Military Wiki
James VI and I
Portrait by Daniel Mytens, 1621
Preceded by Mary, Queen of Scots
Succeeded by Charles I
Preceded by Elizabeth I
Succeeded by Charles I
Personal details
Born (1566-06-19)19 June 1566
Edinburgh Castle, Scotland
Died 27 March 1625(1625-03-27) (aged 58)
(N.S.: 6 April 1625)
Theobalds House, England
Spouse(s) Anne of Denmark
Religion Church of Scotland; Church of England

James VI and I (19 June 1566 – 27 March 1625) was King of Scotland as James VI from 24 July 1567 and King of England and Ireland as James I from the union of the Scottish and English crowns on 24 March 1603 until his death. The Scotland and England were individual sovereign states, with their own parliaments, judiciary, and laws, though both were ruled by James in personal union.

James was the son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and a great-great-grandson of Henry VII, King of England and Lord of Ireland (through both his parents), uniquely positioning him to eventually accede to all three thrones. James succeeded to the Scottish throne at the age of thirteen months, after his mother Mary was compelled to in his favour. Four different regents governed during his minority, which ended officially in 1578, though he did not gain full control of his government until 1583. In 1603, he succeeded the last Tudor monarch of England and Ireland, Elizabeth I, who died without issue.[1] He continued to reign in all three kingdoms for 22 years, a period known as the Jacobean era after him, until his death in 1625 at the age of 58. After the Union of the Crowns, he based himself in England (the largest of the three realms) from 1603, only returning to Scotland once in 1617, and styled himself "King of Great Britain and Ireland".[2] He was a major advocate of a single parliament for both England and Scotland. In his reign, the Plantation of Ulster and British colonisation of the Americas began.

At 57 years and 246 days, James's reign in Scotland was longer than those of any of his predecessors. He achieved most of his aims in Scotland but faced great difficulties in England, including the Gunpowder Plot in 1605 and repeated conflicts with the English Parliament. Under James, the "Golden Age" of Elizabethan literature and drama continued, with writers such as William Shakespeare, John Donne, Ben Jonson, and Sir Francis Bacon contributing to a flourishing literary culture.[3] James himself was a talented scholar, the author of works such as Daemonologie (1597), True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), and Basilikon Doron (1599). He sponsored the translation of the Bible that was named after him: the Authorised King James Version.[4] Sir Anthony Weldon claimed that James had been termed "the wisest fool in Christendom", an epithet associated with his character ever since.[5] Since the latter half of the 20th century, historians have tended to revise James's reputation and treat him as a serious and thoughtful monarch.[6]


Portrait of James as a boy, after Arnold Bronckorst, 1574


James was the only son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. Both Mary and Darnley were great-grandchildren of Henry VII of England through Margaret Tudor, the older sister of Henry VIII. Mary's rule over Scotland was insecure, for both she and her husband, being Roman Catholics, faced a rebellion by Protestant noblemen. During Mary's and Darnley's difficult marriage,[7] Darnley secretly allied himself with the rebels and conspired in the murder of the Queen's private secretary, David Rizzio, just three months before James's birth.[8]

James was born on 19 June 1566 at Edinburgh Castle, and as the eldest son and heir apparent of the monarch automatically became Duke of Rothesay and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland. He was baptised "Charles James" on 17 December 1566 in a Catholic ceremony held at Stirling Castle. His godparents were Charles IX of France (represented by John, Count of Brienne), Elizabeth I of England (represented by the Earl of Bedford), and Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy (represented by ambassador Philibert du Croc).[9] Mary refused to let the Archbishop of St Andrews, whom she referred to as "a pocky priest", spit in the child's mouth, as was then the custom.[10] The English guests were offended by the subsequent entertainment, which was devised by Frenchman Bastian Pagez and depicted them as satyrs with tails.[11]

James's father, Darnley, was murdered on 10 February 1567 at Kirk o' Field, Edinburgh, perhaps in revenge for Rizzio's death. James inherited his father's titles of Duke of Albany and Earl of Ross. Mary was already unpopular, and her marriage on 15 May 1567 to James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell, who was widely suspected of murdering Darnley, heightened widespread bad feeling towards her.[12] In June 1567, Protestant rebels arrested Mary and imprisoned her in Loch Leven Castle; she never saw her son again. She was forced to abdicate on 24 July 1567 in favour of the infant James and to appoint her illegitimate half-brother, James Stewart, Earl of Moray, as regent.[13]


James (right) depicted beside his mother Mary (left). In reality, they were separated when he was still a baby.

The care of James was entrusted to the Earl and Countess of Mar, "to be conserved, nursed, and upbrought"[14] in the security of Stirling Castle.[15] James was crowned King of Scots at the age of thirteen months at the Church of the Holy Rude, Stirling, by Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, on 29 July 1567.[16] The sermon at the coronation was preached by John Knox. In accordance with the religious beliefs of most of the Scottish ruling class, James was brought up as a member of the Protestant Church of Scotland. The Privy Council selected George Buchanan, Peter Young, Adam Erskine (lay abbot of Cambuskenneth), and David Erskine (lay abbot of Dryburgh) as James's preceptors or tutors.[17] As the young king's senior tutor, Buchanan subjected James to regular beatings but also instilled in him a lifelong passion for literature and learning.[18] Buchanan sought to turn James into a God-fearing, Protestant king who accepted the limitations of monarchy, as outlined in his treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos.[19]

In 1568 Mary escaped from her imprisonment at Loch Leven Castle, leading to several years of sporadic violence. The Earl of Moray defeated Mary's troops at the Battle of Langside, forcing her to flee to England, where she was subsequently imprisoned by Elizabeth. On 23 January 1570, Moray was assassinated by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh.[20] The next regent was James's paternal grandfather, Matthew Stewart, 4th Earl of Lennox, who a year later was carried fatally wounded into Stirling Castle after a raid by Mary's supporters.[21] His successor, the Earl of Mar, "took a vehement sickness", and died on 28 October 1572 at Stirling. Mar's illness, wrote James Melville, followed a banquet at Dalkeith Palace given by James Douglas, 4th Earl of Morton.[22]

Morton, who was elected to Mar's office, proved in many ways the most effective of James's regents,[23] but he made enemies by his rapacity.[24] He fell from favour when the Frenchman Esmé Stewart, Sieur d'Aubigny, first cousin of James's father Lord Darnley, and future Earl of Lennox, arrived in Scotland and quickly established himself as the first of James's powerful male favourites.[25] Morton was executed on 2 June 1581, belatedly charged with complicity in Lord Darnley's murder.[26] On 8 August, James made Lennox the only duke in Scotland.[27] Then fifteen years old, the king was to remain under the influence of Lennox for about one more year.[28]

Rule in Scotland[]

James in 1586, age 20

Although a Protestant convert, Lennox was distrusted by Scottish Calvinists, who noticed the physical displays of affection between favourite and king and alleged that Lennox "went about to draw the King to carnal lust".[24] In August 1582, in what became known as the Ruthven Raid, the Protestant earls of Gowrie and Angus lured James into Ruthven Castle, imprisoned him,[29] and forced Lennox to leave Scotland. After James was liberated in June 1583, he assumed increasing control of his kingdom. He pushed through the Black Acts to assert royal authority over the Kirk, and denounced the writings of his former tutor Buchanan.[30] Between 1584 and 1603, he established effective royal government and relative peace among the lords, ably assisted by John Maitland of Thirlestane, who led the government until 1592.[31] An eight-man commission, known as the Octavians, brought some control over the ruinous state of James's finances in 1596, but it drew opposition from vested interests. It was disbanded within a year after a riot in Edinburgh, stoked by anti-Catholicism, led the court to withdraw to Linlithgow temporarily.[32] One last Scottish attempt against the king's person occurred in August 1600, when James was apparently assaulted by Alexander Ruthven, the Earl of Gowrie's younger brother, at Gowrie House, the seat of the Ruthvens.[33] Since Ruthven was run through by James's page John Ramsay and the Earl of Gowrie was himself killed in the ensuing fracas, there were few surviving witnesses. Given his history with the Ruthvens, and that he owed them a great deal of money, James's account of the circumstances was not universally believed.[34]

In 1586, James signed the Treaty of Berwick with England. That and the execution of his mother in 1587, which he denounced as a "preposterous and strange procedure", helped clear the way for his succession south of the border.[35] Queen Elizabeth was unmarried and childless, and James was her most likely successor. Securing the English succession became a cornerstone of his policy.[36] During the Spanish Armada crisis of 1588, he assured Elizabeth of his support as "your natural son and compatriot of your country".[37]


Portrait of Anne of Denmark attributed to John de Critz, c. 1605

Throughout his youth, James was praised for his chastity, since he showed little interest in women. After the loss of Lennox, he continued to prefer male company.[38] A suitable marriage, however, was necessary to reinforce his monarchy, and the choice fell on the fourteen-year-old Anne of Denmark, younger daughter of the Protestant Frederick II. Shortly after a proxy marriage in Copenhagen in August 1589, Anne sailed for Scotland but was forced by storms to the coast of Norway. On hearing the crossing had been abandoned, James, in what Willson calls "the one romantic episode of his life",[39] sailed from Leith with a three-hundred-strong retinue to fetch Anne personally.[40] The couple were married formally at the Bishop's Palace in Oslo on 23 November and, after stays at Elsinore and Copenhagen and a meeting with Tycho Brahe, returned to Scotland on 1 May 1590. By all accounts, James was at first infatuated with Anne, and in the early years of their marriage seems always to have showed her patience and affection.[41] The royal couple produced three children who survived to adulthood: Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died of typhoid fever in 1612, aged 18; Elizabeth, later queen of Bohemia; and Charles, his successor. Anne died before her husband in March 1619.

Witch hunts[]

James's visit to Denmark, a country familiar with witch-hunts, may have encouraged an interest in the study of witchcraft,[42] which he considered a branch of theology.[43] After his return to Scotland, he attended the North Berwick witch trials, the first major persecution of witches in Scotland under the Witchcraft Act 1563. Several people, most notably Agnes Sampson, were convicted of using witchcraft to send storms against James's ship. James became obsessed with the threat posed by witches and, inspired by his personal involvement, in 1597 wrote the Daemonologie, a tract which opposed the practice of witchcraft and which provided background material for Shakespeare's Tragedy of Macbeth.[44] James personally supervised the torture of women accused of being witches.[45] After 1599, his views became more sceptical.[46] In a later letter written in England to his son Prince Henry, James congratulates the Prince on "the discovery of yon little counterfeit wench. I pray God ye may be my heir in such discoveries ... most miracles now-a-days prove but illusions, and ye may see by this how wary judges should be in trusting accusations."[47]

Highlands and Islands[]

The forcible dissolution of the Lordship of the Isles by James IV in 1493 had led to troubled times for the western seaboard. Although the king had subdued the organised military might of the Hebrides, he and his immediate successors lacked the will or ability to provide an alternative form of governance. As a result the 16th century became known as linn nan creach – the time of raids.[48] Furthermore, the effects of the Reformation were slow to impact the Gàidhealtachd, driving a religious wedge between this area and centres of political control in the Central Belt.[49] In 1540 James V had toured the Hebrides, forcing the clan chiefs to accompany him. There followed a period of peace, but the clans were soon at loggerheads with one another again.[50] During James VI's reign the transformation of the 15th century image of the Hebrides as the cradle of Scottish Christianity and nationhood into one in which its citizens were regarded as lawless barbarians was complete. Official documents describe the peoples of the Highlands as "void of the knawledge and feir of God" who were prone to "all kynd of barbarous and bestile cruelteis".[51] The Gaelic language, spoken fluently by James IV and probably by James V, became known in the time of James VI as "Erse" or Irish, implying that it was foreign in nature. The Scottish Parliament decided it had become a principal cause of the Highlanders' shortcomings and sought to abolish it.[50][51]

Scottish gold coin from 1609

It was against this background that in 1598 James VI authorised the "Gentleman Adventurers of Fife" to civilise the "most barbarous Isle of Lewis". James wrote that the colonists were to act "not by agreement" with the local inhabitants, but "by extirpation of thame". Their landing at Stornoway was initially successful, but the colonists were driven out by local forces commanded by Murdoch and Neil MacLeod. The colonists tried again in 1605 with the same result although a third attempt in 1607 was more successful.[51][52] The Statutes of Iona were enacted in 1609, which required clan chiefs to: send their heirs to Lowland Scotland to be educated in English-speaking Protestant schools; provide support for Protestant ministers to Highland parishes; outlaw bards; and regularly report to Edinburgh to answer for their actions.[53] So began a process "specifically aimed at the extirpation of the Gaelic language, the destruction of its traditional culture and the suppression of its bearers."[54]

In the Northern Isles, James's cousin Patrick Stewart, Earl of Orkney, resisted the Statutes of Iona, and was consequently imprisoned.[55] His natural son, Robert, led an unsuccessful rebellion against James, and both the Earl and his son were hanged.[56] Their estates were forfeited, and the Orkney and Shetland islands were annexed to the Crown.[56]

Theory of monarchy[]

James argued a theological basis for monarchy in The True Law of Free Monarchies.

In 1597–98, James wrote The True Law of Free Monarchies and Basilikon Doron (Royal Gift), in which he argued a theological basis for monarchy. In the True Law, he sets out the divine right of kings, explaining that for Biblical reasons kings are higher beings than other men, though "the highest bench is the sliddriest to sit upon".[57] The document proposes an absolutist theory of monarchy, by which a king may impose new laws by royal prerogative but must also pay heed to tradition and to God, who would "stirre up such scourges as pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings".[58] Basilikon Doron, written as a book of instruction for the four-year-old Prince Henry, provides a more practical guide to kingship.[59] The work is considered to be well written and perhaps the best example of James's prose.[60] James's advice concerning parliaments, which he understood as merely the king's "head court", foreshadows his difficulties with the English Commons: "Hold no Parliaments," he tells Henry, "but for the necesitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome".[61] In the True Law James maintains that the king owns his realm as a feudal lord owns his fief, because kings arose "before any estates or ranks of men, before any parliaments were holden, or laws made, and by them was the land distributed, which at first was wholly theirs. And so it follows of necessity that kings were the authors and makers of the laws, and not the laws of the kings."[62]

Literary patronage[]

James was concerned in the 1580s and 1590s to promote the literature of the country of his birth. His treatise, Some Rules and Cautions to be Observed and Eschewed in Scottish Prosody, published in 1584 at the age of 18, was both a poetic manual and a description of the poetic tradition in his mother tongue, Scots, applying Renaissance principles.[63] He also made statutory provision to reform and promote the teaching of music, seeing the two in connection.[64] In furtherance of these aims he was both patron and head of a loose circle of Scottish Jacobean court poets and musicians, the Castalian Band, which included among others William Fowler and Alexander Montgomerie, the latter being a favourite of the King.[65] James, himself a poet, was happy to be seen as a practising member in the group.[66] By the late 1590s his championing of his native Scottish tradition was to some extent diffused by the increasingly expected prospect of inheritance of the English throne,[67] and some courtier poets who followed the king to London after 1603, such as William Alexander, were starting to anglicise their written language.[68] James's characteristic role as active literary participant and patron in the Scottish court made him in many respects a defining figure for English Renaissance poetry and drama, which would reach a pinnacle of achievement in his reign,[69] but his patronage for the high style in his own Scottish tradition, a tradition which includes his ancestor James I of Scotland, largely became sidelined.[70]

Accession in England[]

The Union of the Crowns was symbolised in James's personal royal heraldic badge after 1603, the Tudor rose dimidiated with the Scottish thistle ensigned by the royal crown.

As Elizabeth I was the last of Henry VIII's descendants, James was seen as the most likely heir to the English throne through his great-grandmother Margaret Tudor, who was Henry VIII's oldest sister. From 1601, in the last years of Elizabeth I's life, certain English politicians, notably her chief minister Sir Robert Cecil,[71] maintained a secret correspondence with James to prepare in advance for a smooth succession.[72] In March 1603, with the Queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne. Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March, and James was proclaimed king in London later the same day.[73] On 5 April, James left Edinburgh for London, promising to return every three years (a promise he did not keep), and progressed slowly southwards. Local lords received him with lavish hospitality along the route and James was amazed by the wealth of his new land and subjects. James said he was 'swapping a stony couch for a deep feather bed'. At Cecil's house, Theobalds, Hertfordshire, James was so in awe, he bought it there and then, arriving in the capital after Elizabeth's funeral.[74] His new subjects flocked to see him, relieved that the succession had triggered neither unrest nor invasion.[75] When he entered London on 7 May, he was mobbed by a crowd of spectators.[76]

His English coronation took place on 25 July, with elaborate allegories provided by dramatic poets such as Thomas Dekker and Ben Jonson. Even though an outbreak of plague restricted festivities,[77] "the streets seemed paved with men," wrote Dekker. "Stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children, open casements filled up with women".[78]

The kingdom to which James succeeded was, however, not without its problems. Monopolies and taxation had engendered a widespread sense of grievance, and the costs of war in Ireland had become a heavy burden on the government.[79] By the time of his succession, England had incurred a debt of £400,000.

Early reign in England[]

Portrait after John de Critz, c. 1606

Despite the smoothness of the succession and the warmth of his welcome, James survived two conspiracies in the first year of his reign, the Bye Plot and Main Plot, which led to the arrest, among others, of Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh.[80] Those hoping for governmental change from James were at first disappointed when he maintained Elizabeth's Privy Councillors in office, as secretly planned with Cecil,[80] but James shortly added long-time supporter Henry Howard and his nephew Thomas Howard to the Privy Council, as well as five Scottish nobles.[81] In the early years of James's reign, the day-to-day running of the government was tightly managed by the shrewd Robert Cecil, later Earl of Salisbury, ably assisted by the experienced Thomas Egerton, whom James made Baron Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, and by Thomas Sackville, soon Earl of Dorset, who continued as Lord Treasurer.[80] As a consequence, James was free to concentrate on bigger issues, such as a scheme for a closer union between England and Scotland and matters of foreign policy, as well as to enjoy his leisure pursuits, particularly hunting.[80]

James was ambitious to build on the personal union of the Crowns of Scotland and England to establish a single country under one monarch, one parliament and one law, a plan which met opposition in both realms.[82] "Hath He not made us all in one island," James told the English parliament, "compassed with one sea and of itself by nature indivisible?" In April 1604, however, the Commons refused on legal grounds his request to be titled "King of Great Britain".[83] In October 1604, he assumed the title "King of Great Britain" by proclamation rather than statute, though Sir Francis Bacon told him he could not use the style in "any legal proceeding, instrument or assurance".[84]

In foreign policy, James achieved more success. Never having been at war with Spain, he devoted his efforts to bringing the long Anglo–Spanish War to an end, and in August 1604, thanks to skilled diplomacy on the part of Robert Cecil and Henry Howard, now Earl of Northampton, a peace treaty was signed between the two countries, which James celebrated by hosting a great banquet.[85] Freedom of worship for Catholics in England continued, however, to be a major objective of Spanish policy, causing constant dilemmas for James, distrusted abroad for repression of Catholics while at home being encouraged by the Privy Council to show even less tolerance towards them.[86]

Gunpowder Plot[]

On the night of 4–5 November 1605, the eve of the state opening of the second session of James's first English Parliament, Catholic Guy Fawkes was discovered in the cellars of the parliament buildings. He was guarding a pile of wood not far from 36 barrels of gunpowder with which Fawkes intended to blow up Parliament House the following day and cause the destruction, as James put it, "not only ... of my person, nor of my wife and posterity also, but of the whole body of the State in general".[87] The sensational discovery of the Gunpowder Plot, as it quickly became known, aroused a mood of national relief at the delivery of the king and his sons which Salisbury exploited to extract higher subsidies from the ensuing Parliament than any but one granted to Elizabeth.[88] Fawkes and others implicated in the unsuccessful conspiracy were executed.

King and Parliament[]

Portrait attributed to John de Critz, c. 1606

The co-operation between monarch and Parliament following the Gunpowder Plot was atypical. Instead, it was the previous session of 1604 that shaped the attitudes of both sides for the rest of the reign, though the initial difficulties owed more to mutual incomprehension than conscious enmity.[89] On 7 July 1604, James had angrily prorogued Parliament after failing to win its support either for full union or financial subsidies. "I will not thank where I feel no thanks due", he had remarked in his closing speech. "... I am not of such a stock as to praise fools ... You see how many things you did not well ... I wish you would make use of your liberty with more modesty in time to come".[90]

As James's reign progressed, his government faced growing financial pressures, due partly to creeping inflation but also to the profligacy and financial incompetence of James's court. In February 1610, Salisbury proposed a scheme, known as the Great Contract, whereby Parliament, in return for ten royal concessions, would grant a lump sum of £600,000 to pay off the king's debts plus an annual grant of £200,000.[91] The ensuing prickly negotiations became so protracted that James eventually lost patience and dismissed Parliament on 31 December 1610. "Your greatest error", he told Salisbury, "hath been that ye ever expected to draw honey out of gall".[92] The same pattern was repeated with the so-called "Addled Parliament" of 1614, which James dissolved after a mere nine weeks when the Commons hesitated to grant him the money he required.[93] James then ruled without parliament until 1621, employing officials such as the businessman Lionel Cranfield, who were astute at raising and saving money for the crown, and sold earldoms and other dignities, many created for the purpose, as an alternative source of income.[94]

Spanish Match[]

Another potential source of income was the prospect of a Spanish dowry from a marriage between Charles, Prince of Wales, and Infanta Maria Anna of Spain.[95] The policy of the Spanish Match, as it was called, was also attractive to James as a way to maintain peace with Spain and avoid the additional costs of a war.[96] Peace could be maintained as effectively by keeping the negotiations alive as by consummating the match—which may explain why James protracted the negotiations for almost a decade.[97]

Portrait by Paul van Somer, c. 1620. In the background is the Banqueting House, Whitehall, by architect Inigo Jones, commissioned by James.

The policy was supported by the Howards and other Catholic-leaning ministers and diplomats—together known as the Spanish Party—but deeply distrusted in Protestant England. When Sir Walter Raleigh was released from his imprisonment in 1616, he embarked on a hunt for gold in South America with strict instructions from James not to engage the Spanish.[98] Raleigh's expedition was a disastrous failure, and his son was killed fighting the Spanish.[99] On Raleigh's return to England, James had him executed to the indignation of the public, who opposed the appeasement of Spain.[100] James's policy was further jeopardised by the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, especially after his Protestant son-in-law, Frederick V, Elector Palatine, was ousted from Bohemia by the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand II in 1620, and Spanish troops simultaneously invaded Frederick's Rhineland home territory. Matters came to a head when James finally called a Parliament in 1621 to fund a military expedition in support of his son-in-law.[101] The Commons on the one hand granted subsidies inadequate to finance serious military operations in aid of Frederick,[102] and on the other—remembering the profits gained under Elizabeth by naval attacks on Spanish gold shipments—called for a war directly against Spain. In November 1621, roused by Sir Edward Coke, they framed a petition asking not only for war with Spain but also for Prince Charles to marry a Protestant, and for enforcement of the anti-Catholic laws.[103] James flatly told them not to interfere in matters of royal prerogative or they would risk punishment,[104] which provoked them into issuing a statement protesting their rights, including freedom of speech.[105] Urged on by the Duke of Buckingham and the Spanish ambassador Gondomar, James ripped the protest out of the record book and dissolved Parliament.[106]

In early 1623, Prince Charles, now 22, and Buckingham decided to seize the initiative and travel to Spain incognito, to win the Infanta directly, but the mission proved an ineffectual mistake.[107] The Infanta detested Charles, and the Spanish confronted them with terms that included the repeal of anti-Catholic legislation by Parliament. Though a treaty was signed, the prince and duke returned to England in October without the Infanta and immediately renounced the treaty, much to the delight of the British people.[108] Disillusioned by the visit to Spain, Charles and Buckingham now turned James's Spanish policy upon its head and called for a French match and a war against the Habsburg empire.[109] To raise the necessary finance, they prevailed upon James to call another Parliament, which met in February 1624. For once, the outpouring of anti-Catholic sentiment in the Commons was echoed in court, where control of policy was shifting from James to Charles and Buckingham,[110] who pressured the king to declare war and engineered the impeachment of Lord Treasurer Lionel Cranfield, by now made Earl of Middlesex, when he opposed the plan on grounds of cost.[111] The outcome of the Parliament of 1624 was ambiguous: James still refused to declare war, but Charles believed the Commons had committed themselves to finance a war against Spain, a stance which was to contribute to his problems with Parliament in his own reign.[112]

King and Church[]

After the Gunpowder Plot, James sanctioned harsh measures for controlling non-conforming English Catholics. In May 1606, Parliament passed the Popish Recusants Act which could require any citizen to take an Oath of Allegiance denying the Pope's authority over the king.[113] James was conciliatory towards Catholics who took the Oath of Allegiance,[114] and tolerated crypto-Catholicism even at court.[115] Henry Howard, for example, was a crypto-Catholic, received back into the Church of Rome in his final months.[116] On ascending the English throne, James, suspecting he might need the support of Catholics in England, had assured the Earl of Northumberland, a prominent sympathiser of the old religion, that he would not persecute "any that will be quiet and give but an outward obedience to the law".[117]

In the Millenary Petition of 1603, the Puritan clergy demanded, among other things, the abolition of confirmation, wedding rings, and the term "priest", and that the wearing of cap and surplice become optional.[118] James was at first strict in enforcing conformity, inducing a sense of persecution amongst many Puritans;[119] but ejections and suspensions from livings became fewer as the reign continued.[120] As a result of the Hampton Court Conference of 1604, a new translation and compilation of approved books of the Bible was commissioned to resolve issues with different translations then being used. The Authorised King James Version, as it came to be known, was completed in 1611 and is considered a masterpiece of Jacobean prose.[121] It is still in widespread use.[122]

In Scotland, James attempted to bring the Scottish kirk "so neir as can be" to the English church and to reestablish episcopacy, a policy which met with strong opposition from presbyterians.[123] In 1617, for the only time after his accession in England, James returned to Scotland in the hope of implementing Anglican ritual. James's bishops forced his Five Articles of Perth through a General Assembly the following year; but the rulings were widely resisted.[124] James was to leave the church in Scotland divided at his death, a source of future problems for his son.[125]


George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham (1592–1628), by Peter Paul Rubens, 1625

Throughout his life James had close relationships with male courtiers, which has caused debate among historians about their nature.[126] After his accession in England, his peaceful and scholarly attitude contrasted strikingly with the bellicose and flirtatious behaviour of Elizabeth,[126] as indicated by the contemporary epigram Rex fuit Elizabeth, nunc est regina Jacobus (Elizabeth was King, now James is Queen).[127] Some of James's biographers conclude that Esmé Stewart (later Duke of Lennox), Robert Carr (later Earl of Somerset), and George Villiers (later Duke of Buckingham) were his lovers.[128] Restoration of Apethorpe Hall, undertaken in 2004–08, revealed a previously unknown passage linking the bedchambers of James and Villiers.[129] Others argue that the relationships were not sexual.[130] James's Basilikon Doron lists sodomy among crimes "ye are bound in conscience never to forgive", and James's wife Anne gave birth to seven live children, as well as suffering two stillbirths and at least three other miscarriages.[131] Buckingham himself provides evidence that he slept in the same bed as the King, writing to James many years later that he had pondered: "whether you loved me now ... better than at the time which I shall never forget at Farnham, where the bed's head could not be found between the master and his dog".[132] However, this can be interpreted, in the context of seventeenth-century court life, as non-sexual,[133] and remains ambiguous.[134]

When the Earl of Salisbury died in 1612, he was little mourned by those who jostled to fill the power vacuum.[135] Until Salisbury's death, the Elizabethan administrative system over which he had presided continued to function with relative efficiency; from this time forward, however, James's government entered a period of decline and disrepute.[136] Salisbury's passing gave James the notion of governing in person as his own chief Minister of State, with his young Scottish favourite, Robert Carr, carrying out many of Salisbury's former duties, but James's inability to attend closely to official business exposed the government to factionalism.[137]

The Howard party, consisting of Northampton, Suffolk, Suffolk's son-in-law Lord Knollys, and Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, along with Sir Thomas Lake, soon took control of much of the government and its patronage. Even the powerful Carr, hardly experienced for the responsibilities thrust upon him and often dependent on his intimate friend Sir Thomas Overbury for assistance with government papers,[138] fell into the Howard camp, after beginning an affair with the married Frances Howard, Countess of Essex, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, whom James assisted in securing an annulment of her marriage to free her to marry Carr.[139] In summer 1615, however, it emerged that Overbury, who on 15 September 1613 had died in the Tower of London, where he had been placed at the King's request,[140] had been poisoned.[141] Among those convicted of the murder were Frances and Robert Carr, the latter having been replaced as the king's favourite in the meantime by Villiers. James pardoned Frances and commuted Carr's sentence of death, eventually pardoning him in 1624.[142] The implication of the King in such a scandal provoked much public and literary conjecture and irreparably tarnished James's court with an image of corruption and depravity.[143] The subsequent downfall of the Howards left Villiers unchallenged as the supreme figure in the government by 1619.[144]

Final year[]

After about the age of fifty, James suffered increasingly from arthritis, gout and kidney stones.[145] He also lost his teeth, and drank heavily.[146] During the last year of James's life, with Buckingham consolidating his control of Charles to ensure his own future, the king was often seriously ill, leaving him an increasingly peripheral figure, rarely able to visit London.[147] One theory is that James may have suffered from porphyria, a disease of which his descendant George III of the United Kingdom exhibited some symptoms. James described his urine to physician Théodore de Mayerne as being the "dark red colour of Alicante wine".[148] The theory is dismissed by some experts, particularly in James's case, because he had kidney stones, which can lead to blood in the urine, colouring it red.[149]

In early 1625, James was plagued by severe attacks of arthritis, gout and fainting fits, and in March fell seriously ill with tertian ague and then suffered a stroke. James finally died at Theobalds House on 27 March during a violent attack of dysentery, with Buckingham at his bedside.[150] James's funeral, a magnificent but disorderly affair, took place on 7 May.[151] Bishop John Williams of Lincoln preached the sermon, observing, "King Solomon died in Peace, when he had lived about sixty years ... and so you know did King James".[152]

James was buried in Westminster Abbey. The position of the tomb was lost for several centuries. In the 19th century, following an excavation of many of the vaults beneath the floor, the lead coffin was found in the Henry VII vault.[153]


On the ceiling of the Banqueting House, Rubens depicted James being carried to heaven by angels.

James was widely mourned. For all his flaws, he had largely retained the affection of his people, who had enjoyed uninterrupted peace and comparatively low taxation during the Jacobean era. "As he lived in peace," remarked the Earl of Kellie, "so did he die in peace, and I pray God our king [Charles I] may follow him".[154] The earl prayed in vain: once in power, Charles and Buckingham sanctioned a series of reckless military expeditions that ended in humiliating failure.[155] James had often neglected the business of government for leisure pastimes, such as the hunt; and his later dependence on male favourites at a scandal-ridden court undermined the respected image of monarchy so carefully constructed by Elizabeth.[156] According to a tradition originating with anti-Stuart historians of the mid-seventeenth-century, James's taste for political absolutism, his financial irresponsibility, and his cultivation of unpopular favourites established the foundations of the English Civil War. James bequeathed Charles a fatal belief in the divine right of kings, combined with a disdain for Parliament, which culminated in the execution of Charles and the abolition of the monarchy. Over the last three hundred years, the king's reputation has suffered from the acid description of him by Sir Anthony Weldon, whom James had sacked and who wrote treatises on James in the 1650s.[157] Other influential anti-James histories written during the 1650s include: Sir Edward Peyton, Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of Stuarts (1652); Arthur Wilson, History of Great Britain, Being the Life and Reign of King James I (1658); and Francis Osborne, Historical Memoirs of the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James (1658).[158] David Harris Willson's 1956 biography continued much of this hostility.[159] In the words of historian Jenny Wormald, Willson's book was an "astonishing spectacle of a work whose every page proclaimed its author's increasing hatred for his subject".[160] Since Willson, however, the stability of James's government in Scotland and in the early part of his English reign, as well as his relatively enlightened views on religion and war, have earned him a re-evaluation from many historians, who have rescued his reputation from this tradition of criticism.[161]

Under James the Plantation of Ulster by English and Scots Protestants began, and the English colonisation of North America started its course with the foundation of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607.[162] Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland, was founded in 1610. During the next 150 years, England would fight with Spain, the Netherlands, and France for control of the continent, while religious division in Ireland between Protestant and Catholic has lasted for 400 years. By actively pursuing more than just a personal union of his realms, he helped lay the foundations for a unitary British state.[163]

Titles, styles, honours and arms[]

Royal styles of
James VI, King of Scots
Royal Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland.svg
Reference style His Grace
Spoken style Your Grace
Alternative style Sire
Royal styles of
James I, King of England
Royal Arms of England (1399-1603).svg
Reference style His Majesty
Spoken style Your Majesty
Alternative style Sire

Titles and styles[]

In Scotland, James was "James the sixth, King of Scotland", until 1604. He was proclaimed "James the first, King of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith" in London on 24 March 1603.[164] On 20 October 1604, James issued a proclamation at Westminster changing his style to "King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc."[165] The style was not used on English statutes, but was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, treaties, and in Scotland.[166] James, in line with other monarchs of England between 1340 and 1800, styled himself "King of France", although he did not actually rule France.


As King of Scots, James bore the ancient royal arms of Scotland: Or, a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure within a double tressure flory counter-flory Gules. The arms were supported by two unicorns Argent armed, crined and unguled Proper, gorged with a coronet Or composed of crosses patée and fleurs de lys a chain affixed thereto passing between the forelegs and reflexed over the back also Or. The crest was a lion sejant affrontée Gules, imperially crowned Or, holding in the dexter paw a sword and in the sinister paw a sceptre both erect and Proper.[167]

The Union of the Crowns of England and Scotland under James was symbolised heraldically by combining their arms, supporters and badges. Contention as to how the arms should be marshalled, and to which kingdom should take precedence, was solved by having different arms for each country.[168]

The arms used in England were: Quarterly, I and IV, quarterly 1st and 4th Azure three fleurs de lys Or (for France), 2nd and 3rd Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England); II Or a lion rampant within a tressure flory-counter-flory Gules (for Scotland); III Azure a harp Or stringed Argent (for Ireland, this was the first time that Ireland was included in the royal arms).[169] The supporters became: dexter a lion rampant guardant Or imperially crowned and sinister the Scottish unicorn. The unicorn replaced the red dragon of Cadwaladr, which was introduced by the Tudors. The unicorn has remained in the royal arms of the two united realms. The English crest and motto was retained. The compartment often contained a branch of the Tudor rose, with shamrock and thistle engrafted on the same stem. The arms were frequently shown with James's personal motto, Beati pacifici.[168]

The arms used in Scotland were: Quarterly, I and IV Scotland, II England and France, III Ireland, with Scotland taking precedence over England. The supporters were: dexter a unicorn of Scotland imperially crowned, supporting a tilting lance flying a banner Azure a saltire Argent (Cross of Saint Andrew) and sinister the crowned lion of England supporting a similar lance flying a banner Argent a cross Gules (Cross of Saint George). The Scottish crest and motto was retained, following the Scottish practice the motto In defens (which is short for In My Defens God Me Defend) was placed above the crest.[168]

As royal badges James used: the Tudor rose, the thistle (for Scotland; first used by James III of Scotland), the Tudor rose dimidiated with the thistle ensigned with the royal crown, a harp (for Ireland) and a fleur de lys (for France).[169]

Royal Coat of Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland.svg
Coat of Arms of England (1603-1649).svg
Coat of Arms of Scotland (1603-1649).svg
Coat of arms of James VI as King of Scots used from 1567 to 1603
Coat of arms of James I of England used from 1603 to 1625
Coat of arms of James VI of Scotland used from 1603 to 1625


James I and his royal progeny, by Charles Turner, from a mezzotint by Samuel Woodburn (1814), after Willem de Passe

James's queen, Anne of Denmark, gave birth to seven children who survived beyond birth, of which three reached adulthood:[170]

  1. Henry, Prince of Wales (19 February 1594 – 6 November 1612). Died, probably of typhoid fever, aged 18.[171]
  2. Elizabeth (19 August 1596 – 13 February 1662). Married 1613, Frederick V, Elector Palatine. Died aged 65.
  3. Margaret (24 December 1598 – March 1600). Died aged 1.
  4. Charles I (19 November 1600 – 30 January 1649). Married 1625, Henrietta Maria. Succeeded James I. Executed aged 48.
  5. Robert, Duke of Kintyre (18 January 1602 – 27 May 1602). Died aged 4 months.[172]
  6. Mary (8 April 1605 – 16 December 1607). Died aged 2.
  7. Sophia (June 1607). Died within 48 hours of birth.[173]


Family tree[]

Henry VII,
King of England
Elizabeth of York
Henry VIII,
King of England
John Stewart,
3rd Earl of Lennox
Elizabeth I,
Queen of England
James V,
King of Scots
Margaret Douglas
Matthew Stewart,
4th Earl of Lennox
John Stewart,
5th Lord of Aubigny
James Stewart,
1st Earl of Moray
Mary I,
Queen of Scots
Henry Stewart,
Lord Darnley
Esmé Stewart,
1st Duke of Lennox
James VI and I

List of writings[]

  • The Essayes of a Prentise in the Divine Art of Poesie, (also called Some Reulis and Cautelis), 1584
  • His Majesties Poeticall Exercises at Vacant Houres, 1591
    • Lepanto, poem
  • Daemonologie, 1597[174]
    • Newes from Scotland, 1591
  • The True Law of Free Monarchies, 1598
  • Basilikon Doron, 1599
  • A Counterblaste to Tobacco, 1604[175]
  • An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance, 1608
  • A Premonition to All Most Mightie Monarches, 1609


  1. By the normal rules of succession James had the best claim to the English throne, as the great-great-grandson of Henry VII. However, Henry VIII's will had passed over the Scottish line of his sister Margaret in favour of that of their younger sister Mary Tudor. In the event, Henry's will was disregarded. Stewart, pp. 159–161; Willson, pp. 138–141.
  2. The title was opposed by the English Parliament and was not used on English statutes. James forced the Parliament of Scotland to use it, and it was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, and treaties in both realms. Croft, p. 67; Willson, pp. 249–253. See also: the early history of the Union Flag.
  3. Milling, p. 155.
  4. "James VI and I was the most writerly of British monarchs. He produced original poetry, as well as translation and a treatise on poetics; works on witchcraft and tobacco; meditations and commentaries on the Scriptures; a manual on kingship; works of political theory; and, of course, speeches to parliament ... He was the patron of Shakespeare, Jonson, Donne, and the translators of the "Authorized version" of the Bible, surely the greatest concentration of literary talent ever to enjoy royal sponsorship in England." Rhodes et al., p. 1.
  5. "A very wise man was wont to say that he believed him the wisest fool in Christendom, meaning him wise in small things, but a fool in weighty affairs." Sir Anthony Weldon (1651), The Court and Character of King James I, quoted by Stroud, p. 27; "The label 'the wisest fool in Christendom', often attributed to Henry IV of France but possibly coined by Anthony Weldon, catches James's paradoxical qualities very neatly." Smith, p. 238.
  6. "Historians have returned to reconsidering James as a serious and intelligent ruler". Croft, p. 6; Lockyer, pp. 4–6; "In contrast to earlier historians, recent research on his reign has tended to emphasize the wisdom and downplay the foolishness." Smith, p. 238.
  7. Guy, pp. 236–237, 241–242, 270; Willson, p. 13.
  8. Guy, pp. 248–250; Willson, p. 16.
  9. Willson, p. 17. As the Earl of Bedford was a Protestant, his place in the ceremony was taken by Jean, Countess of Argyll.
  10. Donaldson, p. 99.
  11. Thomson, Thomas, ed., Sir James Melvill of Halhill; Memoirs of his own life, Bannatyne Club (1827), pp. 171–172.
  12. Elizabeth I wrote to Mary: "My ears have been so astounded, my mind so disturbed and my heart so appalled at hearing the horrible report of the abominable murder of your late husband and my slaughtered cousin, that I can scarcely as yet summon the spirit to write about it ... I will not conceal from you that people for the most part are saying that you will look through your fingers at this deed instead of avenging it and that you don't care to take action against those who have done you this pleasure." Historian John Guy nonetheless concludes: "Not a single piece of uncontaminated evidence has ever been found to show that Mary had foreknowledge of Darnley's murder." Guy, pp 312–313. In historian David Harris Willson's view, however: "That Bothwell was the murderer no one can doubt; and that Mary was his accomplice seems equally certain." Willson, p 18.
  13. Guy, pp. 364–365; Willson, p. 19.
  14. Letter of Mary to Mar, 29 March 1567. "Suffer nor admit no noblemen of our realm or any others, of what condition soever they be of, to enter or come within our said Castle or to the presence of our said dearest son, with any more persons but two or three at the most." Quoted by Stewart, p. 27.
  15. Willson, p. 18; Stewart, p. 33.
  16. Croft, p. 11.
  17. Willson, p. 19
  18. Croft, pp. 12–13.
  19. Croft, pp. 13, 18.
  20. Spottiswoode, John (1851). History of the Church in Scotland. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd. vol 2, p. 120 (date in Old Style)
  21. Croft, p. 13.
  22. Melville, James, Thomson, Thomas, ed. (1827). Memoirs of his own life. Bannatyne Club. pp. 248–249.
  23. Stewart, p. 45; Willson, pp. 28–29.
  24. 24.0 24.1 Croft, p. 15.
  25. Lockyer, pp. 11–12; Stewart, pp. 51–63.
  26. David Calderwood wrote of Morton's death: "So ended this nobleman, one of the chief instruments of the reformation; a defender of the same, and of the King in his minority, for the which he is now unthankfully dealt with." Quoted by Stewart, p. 63.
  27. Stewart, p. 63.
  28. Lockyer, pp. 13–15; Willson, p. 35.
  29. James's captors forced from him a proclamation, dated 30 August, declaring that he was not being held prisoner "forced or constrained, for fear or terror, or against his will", and that no one should come to his aid as a result of "seditious or contrary reports". Stewart, p. 66.
  30. Croft, pp. 17–18; Willson, pp. 39, 50.
  31. Croft, p. 20.
  32. Croft, pp. 29, 41–42; Willson, pp. 121–124.
  33. Lockyer, pp. 24–25; Stewart, pp. 150–157.
  34. "The two principal characters were dead, the evidence of eyewitnesses was destroyed and only King James version remained". Williams, p. 61; George Nicolson reported: "It is begun to be noted that the reports coming from the King should differ". Stewart, p. 154. Croft, p. 45; Willson, pp. 126–130.
  35. James briefly broke off diplomatic relations with England over Mary's execution, but he wrote privately that Scotland "could never have been without factions if she had beene left alive". Croft, p. 22.
  36. Lockyer, pp. 29–31; Willson, p. 52.
  37. Croft, p. 23.
  38. Croft, pp. 23–24.
  39. Willson, p. 85.
  40. James heard on 7 October of the decision to postpone the crossing for winter. Stewart, pp. 107–110.
  41. Willson, pp. 85–95.
  42. Croft, p. 26.
  43. Willson, p. 103.
  44. Keay and Keay, p. 556; Willson, pp. 103–105.
  45. Keay and Keay, p. 556.
  46. Croft, p. 27; Lockyer, p. 21; Willson, pp. 105, 308–309.
  47. Akrigg, p. 220; Willson, p. 309.
  48. Hunter, pp. 143, 166.
  49. Hunter, p. 174.
  50. 50.0 50.1 Thompson, pp. 40–41.
  51. 51.0 51.1 51.2 Hunter, p. 175.
  52. Rotary Club, pp. 12–13.
  53. Hunter, p. 176.
  54. MacKinnon, p. 46.
  55. Croft, p. 139; Lockyer, p. 179
  56. 56.0 56.1 Willson, p. 321
  57. "Kings are called gods by the prophetical King David because they sit upon God His throne in earth and have the count of their administration to give unto Him." Quoted by Willson, p 131.
  58. Croft, pp. 131–133.
  59. Willson, p. 133.
  60. "The Basilikon Doron is the best prose James ever wrote." Willson, p 132; "James wrote well, scattering engaging asides throughout the text." Croft, pp 134–135.
  61. Croft, p. 133.
  62. Quoted by Willson, p. 132.
  63. Jack, R. D. S. (1988). "Poetry under King James VI", in The History of Scottish Literature. Craig, Cairns (general editor). Aberdeen University Press. vol 1, pp. 126–127.
  64. One act of his reign urges the Scottish burghs to reform and support the teaching of music in Sang Sculis. See: Jack, R. D. S. (2000). "Scottish Literature: 1603 and all that". Association for Scottish Literary Studies. Retrieved 18 October 2011.
  65. Jack, R. D. S. (1985). Alexander Montgomerie. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. pp. 1–2.
  66. Jack (1988), p. 125.
  67. Jack (1988), p. 137.
  68. Spiller, Michael (1988). "Poetry after the Union 1603–1660", in The History of Scottish Literature. Craig, Cairns (general editor). Aberdeen University Press. vol 1, pp. 141–152. Spiller points out that the trend, although unambiguous, was generally more mixed.
  69. See for example Rhodes, Neil (2004). "Wrapped in the Strong Arm of the Union: Shakespeare and King James" in Shakespeare and Scotland. Maley and Murphy (eds). Manchester University Press. pp. 38–39.
  70. Jack (1988), pp. 137–138.
  71. James described Cecil as "king there in effect". Croft, p 48.
  72. Lockyer, pp. 161–162; Willson, pp. 154–155.
  73. Croft, p. 49; Willson, p. 158.
  74. Croft, p. 49; Willson, pp. 160–164.
  75. Croft, p. 50.
  76. Stewart, p. 169.
  77. Stewart, p. 172; Willson, p. 165.
  78. Stewart, p. 173.
  79. Croft, pp. 50–51.
  80. 80.0 80.1 80.2 80.3 Croft, p. 51.
  81. Croft, p. 51; The introduction of Henry Howard, soon to be Earl of Northampton, and of Thomas Howard, soon to be Earl of Suffolk, marked the beginning of the rise of the Howard family to power in England, which was to culminate in their dominance of James's government after the death of Cecil in 1612. Henry Howard, son of poet Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, had been a diligent correspondent with James in advance of the succession (James referred to him as "long approved and trusted Howard"). His connection with James may have owed something to the attempt by his brother Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, to free and marry Mary, Queen of Scots, leading to his execution in 1572. Willson, p. 156; Guy, pp. 461–468. For details on the Howards, see The Trials of Frances Howard by David Lindley. Henry Howard is a traditionally reviled figure (Willson [1956] called him "A man of dark counsels and creeping schemes, learned but bombastic, and a most fulsome flatterer". p. 156) whose reputation was upgraded by Linda Levy Peck's 1982 biography Northampton (Croft, p. 6).
  82. Croft, pp. 52–54.
  83. English and Scot, James insisted, should "join and coalesce together in a sincere and perfect union, as two twins bred in one belly, to love one another as no more two but one estate". Willson, p. 250.
  84. Willson, pp. 249–252.
  85. Croft, pp. 52–53.
  86. Croft, p. 118.
  87. Stewart, p. 219.
  88. Croft, p. 64.
  89. Croft, p. 63.
  90. Quoted by Croft, p. 62.
  91. Croft, pp. 75–81.
  92. Croft, p. 80; Lockyer, p. 167; Willson, p. 267.
  93. Croft, p. 93; Willson, p. 348.
  94. Willson, p. 409.
  95. Willson, pp. 348, 357.
  96. Schama, Simon (2001). A History of Britain. New York: Hyperion. vol II, p. 59.
  97. Kenyon, J. P. (1978). Stuart England. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. pp. 88–89.
  98. Willson, pp. 369–370.
  99. Croft, p. 104; Willson, pp. 372–373.
  100. Willson, pp. 374–377.
  101. Willson, pp. 408–416.
  102. Lockyer, p. 148; Willson, p. 417.
  103. Willson, p. 421.
  104. Willson, p. 422.
  105. James wrote: "We cannot with patience endure our subjects to use such anti-monarchical words to us concerning their liberties, except they had subjoined that they were granted unto them by the grace and favour of our predecessors." Quoted by Willson, p. 423.
  106. Willson, p. 243.
  107. Croft, pp. 118–119; Willson, pp. 431–435.
  108. Cogswell, pp. 224–225, 243, 281–299; Croft, p. 120; Schama, p. 64.
  109. Croft, pp. 120–121.
  110. "The aging monarch was no match for the two men closest to him. By the end of the year, the prince and the royal favourite spoke openly against the Spanish marriage and pressured James to call a parliament to consider their now repugnant treaties ... with hindsight ... the prince's return from Madrid marked the end of the king's reign. The prince and the favourite encouraged popular anti-Spanish sentiments to commandeer control of foreign and domestic policy." Krugler, pp. 63–64.
  111. Croft, p. 125; Lockyer, p. 195.
  112. "On that divergence of interpretation, relations between the future king and the Parliaments of the years 1625–9 were to founder." Croft, p. 126.
  113. Stewart, p. 225.
  114. Willson, p. 228.
  115. A crypto-Catholic was someone who outwardly conformed to Protestantism but remained a Catholic in private.
  116. Croft, p. 162.
  117. Akrigg, pp. 207–208; Willson, pp. 148–149.
  118. Willson, p. 201.
  119. "In things indifferent," James wrote in a new edition of Basilikon Doron, "they are seditious which obey not the magistrates". Willson, pp. 201, 209; Croft, p. 156; "In seeking conformity, James gave a name and a purpose to nonconformity." Stewart, p. 205.
  120. Croft, p. 158.
  121. Croft, p. 157; Willson, pp. 213–215.
  122. Croft, p. 157.
  123. In March 1605, Archbishop Spottiswood wrote to James warning him that sermons against bishops were being preached daily in Edinburgh. Croft, p. 164.
  124. Croft, p. 166; Lockyer, pp. 185–186; Willson, p. 320.
  125. Assessments of the kirk at James's death are divided: some historians argue that the Scots might have accepted James's policies eventually; others that James left the kirk in crisis. Croft, p. 167.
  126. 126.0 126.1 "... his sexuality has long been a matter of debate. He clearly preferred the company of handsome young men. The evidence of his correspondence and contemporary accounts have led some historians to conclude that the king was homosexual or bisexual. In fact, the issue is murky." Bucholz and Key, p. 208.
  127. Hyde, H. Montgomery (1970). The Love That Dared Not Speak its Name. London: Heinemann. pp. 43–44.
  128. e.g. Young, Michael B. (2000). King James and the History of Homosexuality. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-9693-1; Bergeron, David M. (1991). Royal Family, Royal Lovers: King James of England and Scotland. Columbia; London: University of Missouri Press.
  129. Graham, Fiona (5 June 2008). "To the manor bought", BBC News Online. Retrieved 18 October 2008.
  130. e.g. Lee, Maurice, Jr. (1990). Great Britain's Solomon: James VI and I on His Three Kingdoms. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
  131. Weir, Alison (1996). Britain's Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy. London; Sydney; Auckland: Random House. ISBN 0-7126-7448-9, pp. 249–251; Lockyer, pp. 19, 21.
  132. Roger Lockyer (1981) Buckingham: The Life and Political Career of George Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham, 1592-1628, Longman, ISBN 0582502969, p. 22
  133. Alan Bray (2003) The Friend, University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-07180-4, pp. 167–170
    Alan Bray (1994) "Homosexuality and the Signs of Male Friendship in Elizabethan England", pp. 42–44, In: Jonathan Goldberg (editor) Queering the Renaissance, Duke University Press, ISBN 0-8223-1385-5
  134. Peter Ackroyd (2014) The History of England, Volume III: Civil War, Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-230-70641-5, p. 45
    John Miller (2004) The Stuarts, Hambledon, ISBN 1-85285-432-4, p. 38
  135. Northampton, who assumed the day-to-day running of government business, spoke of "the death of the little man for which so many rejoice and few do as much as seem to be sorry." Willson, p. 269.
  136. "Finances fell into chaos, foreign affairs became more difficult. James exalted a worthless favourite and increased the power of the Howards. As government relaxed and honour cheapened, we enter a period of decline and weakness, of intrigue, scandal, confusion and treachery." Willson, p. 333.
  137. Willson, pp. 334–335.
  138. Willson, p. 349; "Packets were sent, sometimes opened by my lord, sometimes unbroken unto Overbury, who perused them, registered them, made table-talk of them, as they thought good. So I will undertake the time was, when Overbury knew more of the secrets of state, than the council-table did." Sir Francis Bacon, speaking at Carr's trial. Quoted by Perry, p. 105.
  139. The commissioners judging the case reached a 5–5 verdict, so James quickly appointed two extra judges guaranteed to vote in favour, an intervention which aroused public censure. When, after the annulment, the son of Bishop Bilson, one of the added commissioners, was knighted, he was given the nickname "Sir Nullity Bilson". Lindley, p. 120.
  140. It is very likely that he was the victim of a 'set-up' contrived by the earls of Northampton and Suffolk, with Carr's complicity, to keep him out of the way during the annulment proceedings. Overbury knew too much of Carr's dealings with Frances and, motivated by a deep political hostility to the Howards, he opposed the match with a fervour that made him dangerous. It cannot have been difficult to secure James's compliance, because he disliked Overbury and his influence over Carr. Lindley, p. 145; John Chamberlain reported that the King "hath long had a desire to remove him from about the lord of Rochester, as thinking it a dishonour to him that the world should have an opinion that Rochester ruled him and Overbury ruled Rochester". Willson, p. 342.
  141. Lindley, p. 146; "Rumours of foul play involving Rochester and his wife with Overbury had, however, been circulating since his death. Indeed, almost two years later, in September 1615, and as James was in the process of replacing Rochester with a new favourite, George Villiers, the Governor of the Tower of London sent a letter to the king informing him that one of the warders in the days before Overbury had been found dead had been bringing the prisoner poisoned food and medicine." Barroll, p. 136.
  142. Croft, p. 91.
  143. "Probably no single event, prior to the attempt to arrest the five members in 1642, did more to lessen the general reverence with which royalty was regarded in England than this unsavoury episode." Davies, p. 20.
  144. Croft, pp. 98–99; Willson, p. 397.
  145. Croft, p. 101; Willson, pp. 378, 404.
  146. Croft, p. 101; Willson, p. 379.
  147. Some historians (for example Willson, p. 425) consider James, who was 58 in 1624, to have lapsed into premature senility; but he suffered from, among other ailments, an agonising species of arthritis which constantly left him indisposed; and Pauline Croft suggests that in summer 1624, afforded relief by the warm weather, James regained some control over his affairs, his continuing refusal to sanction war against Spain a deliberate stand against the aggressive policies of Charles and Buckingham (Croft, pp. 126–127); "James never became a cypher." Croft, p. 101. See also Lockyer, p. 174: "During the last eighteen months of his life James fought a very effective rearguard action to preserve his control of foreign policy ... he never became a cypher."
  148. Röhl, John C. G.; Warren, Martin; Hunt, David (1998). Purple Secret: Genes, "Madness" and the Royal Houses of Europe. London: Bantam Press. ISBN 0-593-04148-8
  149. e.g. Dean, Geoffrey (2002). The Turnstone: A Doctor's Story. Liverpool University Press. pp. 128–129
  150. A medicine recommended by Buckingham had only served to make the king worse, which led to rumours that the duke had poisoned him. Croft, pp. 127–128; Willson, pp. 445–447.
  151. John Chamberlain wrote, "All was performed with great magnificence, but ... very confused and disorderly." Croft, p. 129; Willson, p. 447.
  152. John Williams's sermon was later printed as "Great Britain's Salomon" (sic). Croft, pp. 129–130.
  153. Stanley, Arthur (1886). Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey. London: John Murray. pp. 499–526.. 
  154. Croft, p. 130.
  155. "A 1627 mission to save the Huguenots of La Rochelle ended in an ignominious siege on the Isle of Ré, leaving the Duke as the object of widespread ridicule." Stewart, p. 348.
  156. Croft, p. 129.
  157. "Often witty and perceptive but also prejudiced and abusive, their status as eye-witness accounts and their compulsive readability led too many historians to take them at face value." Croft, pp. 3–4; Lockyer, pp. 1–4.
  158. See, Lindley, p. 44, for more on the influence of Commonwealth historians on the tradition of tracing Charles I's errors back to his father's reign.
  159. Croft, p. 6; Lockyer, p. 4
  160. Wormald, Jenny (2004). "James VI and I (1566–1625)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/14592
  161. In recent decades, much scholarship has emphasised James's success in Scotland (though there have been partial dissenters, such as Michael Lynch), and there is an emerging appreciation of James's successes in the early part of his reign in England. Croft, pp. 1–9, 46.
  162. Croft, p. 146.
  163. Croft, p. 67.
  164. Francois Velde. "Proclamation by the King, 24 March 1603". Retrieved 9 February 2013. 
  165. Francois Velde. "Proclamation by the King, 20 October 1604". Retrieved 9 February 2013. 
  166. Willson, pp. 252–253.
  167. Pinches, John Harvey; Pinches, Rosemary (1974). The Royal Heraldry of England. Heraldry Today. Slough, Buckinghamshire: Hollen Street Press. ISBN 0-900455-25-X, pp. 159–160.
  168. 168.0 168.1 168.2 Pinches and Pinches, pp. 168–169.
  169. 169.0 169.1 Brooke-Little, J.P., FSA ([1950] 1978). Boutell's Heraldry Revised edition. London: Frederick Warne. ISBN 0-7232-2096-4, pp. 213, 215.
  170. Stewart, pp. 140, 142.
  171. John Chamberlain recorded: "It was verily thought that the disease was no other than the ordinary ague that had reigned and raged all over England". Alan Stewart writes: "Latter day experts have suggested enteric fever, typhoid fever, or porphyria, but at the time poison was the most popular explanation." Stewart, p. 248.
  172. Barroll, p. 27; Willson, p. 452.
  173. Croft, p. 55; Stewart, p. 142; Sophia was buried at King Henry's Chapel in a tiny tomb shaped like a cradle. Willson, p. 456.
  174. Text at Project Gutenberg; Facsimile at Folger Shakespeare Library
  175. Text at Project Gutenberg


  • Akrigg, G. P. V. (ed.) (1984). Letters of King James VI & I. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California. ISBN 0-520-04707-9.
  • Barroll, J. Leeds (2001). Anna of Denmark, Queen of England: A Cultural Biography. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. ISBN 0-8122-3574-6.
  • Bucholz, Robert; Key, Newton (2004). Early Modern England, 1485–1714: A Narrative History. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-21393-7.
  • Cogswell, Thomas, The Blessed Revolution: English Politics and the Coming of War 1621–24 (Cambridge, 1989)
  • Croft, Pauline (2003). King James. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-61395-3.
  • Davies, Godfrey ([1937] 1959). The Early Stuarts. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-821704-8.
  • Donaldson, Gordon (1974). Mary, Queen of Scots. London: English Universities Press. ISBN 0-340-12383-4.
  • Guy, John (2004). My Heart is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots. London and New York: Fourth Estate. ISBN 1-84115-752-X.
  • Hunter, James (2000). Last of the Free: A History of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Edinburgh: Mainstream. ISBN 1-84018-376-4.
  • Keay, J.; Keay, J. (1994). Collins Encyclopaedia of Scotland. London. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-00-255082-2.
  • Krugler, John D. (2004). English and Catholic: the Lords Baltimore in the Seventeenth Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-7963-9.
  • Lee, Maurice (1990). Great Britain's Solomon: James VI and I in his Three Kingdoms. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01686-6.
  • Lindley, David (1993). The Trials of Frances Howard: Fact and Fiction at the Court of King James. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-05206-8.
  • Lockyer, Roger (1998). James VI and I. Longman. ISBN 0-582-27961-5.
  • MacKinnon, Kenneth (1991). Gaelic – A past and Future Prospect. Edinburgh: The Saltire Society. ISBN 0-85411-047-X.
  • Milling, Jane (2004). "The Development of a Professional Theatre", in The Cambridge History of British Theatre. Milling, Jane; Thomson, Peter; Donohue, Joseph W. (eds). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-65040-2.
  • Peck, Linda Levy (1982). Northampton: Patronage and Policy at the Court of James I. Harper Collins. ISBN 0-04-942177-8.
  • Perry, Curtis (2006). Literature and Favoritism in Early Modern England. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-85405-9.
  • Rhodes, Neil; Richards, Jennifer; Marshall, Joseph (2003). King James VI and I: Selected Writings. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-0482-9.
  • Rotary Club of Stornoway (1995). The Outer Hebrides Handbook and Guide. Machynlleth: Kittwake. ISBN 0-9511003-5-1.
  • Smith, David L. (2003). "Politics in Early Stuart Britain," in A Companion to Stuart Britain. Coward, Barry (ed). Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-21874-2.
  • Stewart, Alan (2003). The Cradle King: A Life of James VI & I. London: Chatto and Windus. ISBN 0-7011-6984-2.
  • Stroud, Angus (1999). Stuart England. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-20652-9.
  • Thompson, Francis (1968). Harris and Lewis, Outer Hebrides. Newton Abbot: David & Charles. ISBN 0-7153-4260-6.
  • Williams, Ethel Carleton (1970). Anne of Denmark. London: Longman. ISBN 0-582-12783-1.
  • Willson, David Harris ([1956] 1963). King James VI & I. London: Jonathan Cape Ltd. ISBN 0-224-60572-0.

Further reading[]

External links[]