Military Wiki
First Day on the Somme
Part of the Battle of the Somme (World War I)
Map of the Battle of the Somme, 1916.svg
Battle of the Somme 1 July – 18 November 1916
Date1 July 1916
LocationSomme, Picardy, France
50°1′N 2°41′E / 50.017°N 2.683°E / 50.017; 2.683Coordinates: 50°1′N 2°41′E / 50.017°N 2.683°E / 50.017; 2.683
Result Anglo-French success

 British Empire

France France

German Empire German Empire

  •  Baden
  •  Prussia
  •  Württemberg
Commanders and leaders
United Kingdom Douglas Haig
France Ferdinand Foch
United Kingdom Henry Rawlinson
German Empire Fritz von Below
13 British divisions
6 French divisions
6 divisions
Casualties and losses
British: 57,470 including 19,240 killed.
French: 7,000
8,000 casualties
4,200 prisoners

The first day on the Somme, 1 July 1916, was the opening day of the Battle of Albert (1–13 July 1916). Nine corps of the French Sixth Army, the British Fourth and Third armies, attacked the German Second Army of General Fritz von Below, from Foucaucourt on the south bank to Serre, north of the Ancre and at Gommecourt 2 miles (3.2 km) beyond. The objective of the attack was to capture the German first and second positions from Serre south to the Albert–Bapaume road and the first position from the road south to Foucaucourt.

The German defence south of the road mostly collapsed and the French had "complete success" on both banks of the Somme, as did the British from Maricourt on the army boundary, where XIII Corps took Montauban and reached all its objectives and XV Corps captured Mametz and isolated Fricourt. The III Corps attack either side of the Albert–Bapaume road was a disaster, making only a short advance south of La Boisselle, with a huge number of casualties. Further north the X Corps attack captured the Leipzig Redoubt, failed opposite Thiepval and had a great but temporary success on the left, where the German front line was overrun and Schwaben and Stuff redoubts captured.

German counter-attacks during the afternoon recaptured most of the lost ground north of the Albert–Bapaume road and fresh attacks against Thiepval were defeated, also with great loss to the British. On the north bank of the Ancre the attack of VIII Corps was another failure, with large numbers of British troops being shot down in no man's land. The VII Corps diversion at Gommecourt was also costly, with only a partial and temporary advance south of the village. The German defeats from Foucaucourt to the Albert–Bapaume road, left the German defence on the south bank incapable of resisting another attack and a substantial German retreat began, from the Flaucourt plateau to the west bank of the Somme close to Péronne, while on the north bank Fricourt was abandoned.

Several truces were negotiated to recover wounded from no man's land on the British front, where the Fourth Army had lost 57,470 casualties, of which 19,240 men were killed. The French had 1,590 casualties and the German 2nd Army lost 10,000–12,000 casualties. Orders were issued to the Anglo-French armies to continue the offensive on 2 July and a German counter-attack on the north bank of the Somme by the 12th Division, intended for the night of 1/2 July, took until dawn on 2 July to begin. Since 1 July 1916 the cost of the battle and the "meagre gains" have been a source of grief and controversy in Britain; in German and French writing the first day of the Battle of the Somme has been little more than a footnote to the mass losses of 1914, 1915 and the Battle of Verdun.


Strategic developments

In July 1915 the French Commander in Chief Joseph Joffre held the first inter-Allied conference at Chantilly and in December 1915 a second conference resolved to conduct simultaneous attacks by the French, Russian, British and Italian armies. For the British, France and Flanders were the main theatre of operations and in February 1916 Haig accepted Joffre's plan, for a combined attack astride the Somme river around 1 July. In April the British Cabinet accepted the necessity of an offensive in France.[1] The nature of a joint offensive on the Somme began to change almost immediately when the German army attacked at Verdun on 21 February. In March Foch proposed a Somme offensive on a 45 kilometres (28 mi) front between Lassigny and the Somme and a British attack on a 25 kilometres (16 mi) front, from the Somme to Thiepval with 42 French and 25 British divisions. French divisions intended for the joint offensive were diverted to Verdun and the offensive was eventually reduced to a main effort by the British, with a supporting attack by one French army.[2]

The Somme was to be the first mass offensive mounted by the British Expeditionary Force and the first battle to involve a large number of New Army divisions, many composed of Pals battalions that had formed in response to Kitchener's call for volunteers in August 1914.[3] By the end of the Gallipoli Campaign twelve British divisions were in Egypt and from 4 February – 20 June 1916 nine were transferred to France. From Britain and Egypt the 34th and 35th divisions arrived in January, the 31st and 46th in February, the 29th, 39th, 1st Australian and 2nd Australian divisions in March, the New Zealand Division in April, the 41st, 61st and 63rd divisions in May, the 40th, 60th, 4th Australian and 5th Australian divisions in June and the 11th Division arrived on 3 July. The 55th and 56th divisions were reassembled and a Battalion of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and the South African Brigade joined in April and a contingent of the Bermuda Volunteer Rifle Corps in July.[4]

Despite considerable debate among German staff officers, Falkenhayn insisted on rigid defence of the front line in 1916 and implied after the war that the psychology of German soldiers, shortage of manpower and lack of reserves made the policy inescapable, since the troops necessary to seal off breakthroughs did not exist. High losses incurred in holding ground by a policy of no retreat, were preferable to higher losses, voluntary withdrawals and the effect of a belief that soldiers had discretion to avoid battle. When a more flexible policy was substituted later, discretion was still reserved to army commanders.[5] Despite the certainty by mid-June, of an Anglo-French attack on the Somme against the Second Army, Falkenhayn sent only four divisions, keeping eight in the western strategic reserve. No divisions were moved from the Sixth Army, despite it holding a shorter line with 17½ divisions and having three of the reserve divisions in the Sixth Army area. The maintenance of the strength of the Sixth Army, at the expense of the Second Army on the Somme, indicated that Falkehnayn intended the counter-offensive against the British to be made north of the Somme front, once the British offensive had been shattered.[6]

Tactical developments

In April 1916 Groupe d'armées du Nord (GAN) issued an 82-page pamphlet on the stages and processes of an attack on enemy positions prepared in depth, which as the experience of the offensives of 1915 had demonstrated, would inevitably be costly and time-consuming military operations. The battle would be methodical until the power of resistance of the defender was broken by "moral, material and physical degradation", while the attacker still had the ability to attack. Co-ordination of artillery and infantry was fundamental to the process, in which artillery would destroy defences and then infantry would occupy them, thus infantry objectives were to be determined by the range of artillery.[7] Artillery bombardments were to be co-ordinated with infantry attacks, with various types of artillery given particular objectives, for the destruction of field defences and the killing of the German infantry in them. Heavy artillery and mortars were to be used for the destruction of field fortifications, howitzers and light mortars for the destruction of trenches, machine-gun and observation posts; heavy guns and mortars to destroy fortified villages and concrete strongpoints.[8] Longer-range guns were to engage German artillery with counter-battery fire, to deprive German infantry of artillery support, when French infantry were at their most vulnerable during the attack. Wire-cutting was to be performed by field artillery firing "high explosive" (H.E.) shells and supported by specialist wire-cutting sections of infantry, which would go out the night before an attack. During the attack field atillery would fire a linear barrage, at trenches and the edges of woods and villages. Infantry attacks were to be based on reconnaissance, clear objectives, liaison with flanking units and the avoidance of disorganisation within attacking units. General attacks would need to be followed by the systematic capture of surviving defensive positions, to create suitable jumping-off positions for the next general attack.[9]

In 1915 British tactical thinking had been based on the experience of its Western Front battles, particularly the Battle of Loos in September and the study of French and German examples, in translated French manuals and pamphlets. The importance of organised artillery firepower and the integration of types of weapons and equipment was recognised. Creeping barrages, smoke-screens and cloud gas discharges were to be used along with aircraft, trench mortars, Lewis guns and elaborate signals systems, which had been created to counter chronic communication failures, which occurred as soon as the infantry attacked. Troops were to attack in a succession of lines grouped into waves and followed by parties to consolidate captured ground or pass through the leading troops and continue the advance. The 9th Division had attacked at Loos with four battalions on a front of 1,600 yards (1,500 m), each battalion in three waves, one behind the other. A second battalion followed each of the leading battalions in the same formation, ready to leapfrog beyond and a second brigade followed the first as a reserve. Six lines of infantry, with the soldiers 2 yards (1.8 m) apart had confronted the German defence. Lines and waves had been made thinner and shallower after 1915 and on 14 July 1916 in the attack on Longueval, the division advanced with four battalions, with companies arranged in columns of platoons, creating four platoon waves 70 yards (64 m) apart, one brigade attacking with two companies of each battalion, two more behind and a second battalion following on, so that each section of the front was attacked by sixteen platoon waves. Six platoons had gone forward on a front of about 1,000 yards (910 m), roughly one soldier every 5.5 yards (5.0 m).[10]

On the Somme front Falkenhayn's construction plan of January 1915 had been completed. Barbed wire obstacles had been enlarged from one belt 5–10 yards (4.6–9.1 m) wide to two, 30 yards (27 m) wide and about 15 yards (14 m) apart. Double and triple thickness wire was used and laid 3–5 feet (0.91–1.52 m) high. The front line had been increased from one trench to three, dug 150–200 yards (140–180 m) apart, the first trench occupied by sentry groups, the second (Wohngraben) for the front-trench garrison and the third trench for local reserves. The trenches were traversed and had sentry-posts in concrete recesses built into the parapet. Dugouts had been deepened from 6–9 feet (1.8–2.7 m) to 20–30 feet (6.1–9.1 m), 50 yards (46 m) apart and large enough for 25 men. An intermediate line of strongpoints (Stutzpunktlinie) about 1,000 yards (910 m) behind the front line was also built. Communication trenches ran back to the reserve line, renamed the second line, which was as well-built and wired as the first line. The second line was beyond the range of Allied field artillery, to force an attacker to stop and move field artillery forward before assaulting the line.[11]


Anglo-French offensive preparations

Aircraft: For long-distance reconnaissance and bombing and attacks on the German air service, the 9th (Headquarters) Wing of the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) was moved to the Somme front, with 21, 27, 60 squadrons and part of 70 Squadron. The Fourth Army had the support of IV Brigade, with two squadrons of the 14th (Army) Wing, four squadrons of the 3rd Wing and 1 Kite Balloon Squadron, with one section for each corps. Corps squadrons, 3, 4, 9, and 15 had 30 aircraft for counter-battery work, 13 aircraft for contact patrol, 16 for trench reconnaissance and destructive bombardment and other duties and nine aircraft in reserve. VII Corps was given 8 Squadron with 18 aircraft and 5 Kite Balloon Section. The strength of the RFC in the Somme area was 185 aircraft against a German Second Army aircraft establishment, which also had to face the French air service on the south bank of the Somme. (The Anglo-French air effort considerably outnumbered the Germans opposite until mid-July.) Protection for corps aircraft was to be provided by standing patrols of pairs of aircraft and offensive sweeps by the two army squadrons.[Note 1] Bombing attacks were to be made on the railways behind the German front, with the main effort beginning on 1 July, to ensure that damage could not be repaired in the days after the beginning of the offensive. Troops, transport columns, dumps and headquarters behind the battlefront were to be attacked and the ammunition depots at Mons, Namur and Lille were to be specially attacked.[13]The French Sixth Army had 201 aeroplanes.[14]

60-Pounder Battery

Artillery: The British had substantially increased the amount of artillery on the Western Front since the Battle of Loos in late 1915 but the length of front to be bombarded, led to a five-day preparatory bombardment being planned, after debate about the merits of a short "hurricane bombardment", due to a lack of guns to fulfill the destruction of German field defences and be certain to cut barbed wire, given uncertain weather and the dependence of the artillery on air observation.[Note 2] The artillery had to cut barbed wire and neutralise German artillery with counter-battery fire. The British artillery fired more than 1.5 million shells, more than in the first year of the war; another 250,000 shells were fired on 1 July. The bombardment could be heard on Hampstead Heath, 300 miles (480 km) away. While this weight of bombardment was new for the British, it was common on the Western Front, the French Second Battle of Artois in May 1915 had been preceded by a six-day bombardment in which over 2.1 million shells were fired. On the Somme, while British shell production had increased since the shell scandal of 1915, quality was poor and many shells failed to explode.[17] Shrapnel was virtually useless against entrenched positions and required accurate fuze-setting to cut wire but very little high explosive ammunition had been manufactured for field artillery.[18][Note 3] The French Sixth Army had 552 heavy guns and howitzers, with a much larger supply of H.E. ammunition for field artillery and far more experienced personnel.[19]

Cavalry: In March the two British cavalry corps were disbanded and the divisions distributed to the armies and the new Reserve Corps, under the command of Gough, which was reinforced and became the Reserve Army in June. The Reserve Army cavalry was to operate combined with infantry and artillery, ready to act as a "conveyor belt", to exploit a success by the Fourth Army, with the 25th Division in the lead followed by two cavalry divisions and then II Corps.[20] In mid-June II Corps was moved from the Reserve Army, which was subordinated to the Fourth Army. The French Sixth Army had four cavalry divisions available.[21] In late June favourable intelligence reports and the reduction of the French commitment for the Somme offensive led to a change of plan by the British. Should the German army collapse, the cavalry was expected to follow-up a breakthrough, capture Bapaume, take post on the right flank, to provide a flank guard in all-arms detachments facing east, as the main body of cavalry and the infantry advanced northwards. The 1st, 2nd (Indian) and 3rd cavalry divisions were to assemble by zero hour 5 miles (8.0 km) west of Albert around Buire, Bresle, Bonny and La Neuville, ready to move forward or remain and then return to billets behind Amiens, depending on events.[22]

Infantry: A British Expeditionary Force (BEF) manual published on 8 May 1916 (SS 109: Training of Divisions For Offensive Action) described successions of lines to add driving power to the attack, to reach the objective and have the capacity to consolidate the captured ground against counter-attack.[Note 4] In the Fourth Army Tactical Notes of May 1916, battalions were allowed to attack on a front of 2–4 platoons in 8–4 waves about 100 yards (91 m) apart. Supporting lines were to pass through leading ones, to avoid excessive demands on the energy and ability of individual soldiers. Weight of numbers was rejected and each platoon would carry half the burden of a brigade attack for a few minutes, before being relieved by a fresh wave. Platoons were divided into functions, fighting, mopping-up, support and carrying, where the fighting platoons were to press on, as the moppers-up secured the ground behind them. Support and carrying platoons could pick their way through artillery barrages, with the tools and weapons needed to defeat German counter-attacks.[24] Some troops in carrying platoons had about 66 pounds (30 kg) of equipment and tools, whereas troops in the advanced platoons carried a rifle, bayonet, 170 rounds of ammunition, iron rations, two grenades, pick, shovel or entrenching tool, four empty sandbags, two gas helmets, wire cutters, a smoke candle and a water-bottle.[25][Note 5] In the French army, the experience of 1915 showed that despite the power of French bombardments, infantry would enter a chaotic environment, full of German pockets of resistance and individuals who had been by-passed. By mid-1916 much of the French infantry in the Sixth Army had been trained as specialists, either rifle-and-bayonet men, bombers, rifle grenadiers or light machine-gun crews. Attacking waves were spread wider and companies trained to manoeuvre in small groups, to get behind surviving German defences, as Nettoyeurs (cleaners) armed with hand-grenades and revolvers, searched captured ground for stray Germans and hidden machine-gunners, although such methods did not come into general use until later in the year.[27]

Intelligence: In March and April, eight German divisions were believed to be in reserve opposite the British, from the Somme to the North Sea coast, then in April reserve divisions behind the German Fourth Army were moved south behind the German Sixth Army. From 4–14 June the success of the Brusilov Offensive became apparent and agent reports showed increased railway movements from Belgium to Germany. The final BEF Military Intelligence estimate before 1 July, was that there were 32 German battalions opposite the Fourth Army and 65 battalions in reserve and close enough to reach the battlefield in the first week. Five of the seven German divisions had been engaged at Verdun and the removal of divisions from France to the Eastern Front, had become certain. Men of the 1916 conscription class were appearing among German prisoners of war, which suggested that the German army had been depleted, to the point where it would be possible to break down the German front line and force a battle of manoeuvre on the defenders. In late June the British part of the Somme plan was amended, to accommodate the rapid capture of Bapaume and the envelopment of German defences north to Arras, rather than the outflanking of the German defences to the south at Péronne. An increase in the number of trains moving from Germany to Belgium was also discovered but the quality of German troops opposite the British was thought to have been much reduced. The true number of German divisions in reserve in France, was ten with six opposite the British, double the number believed by the British to be available. Reports of work continuing on the German defences opposite the Fourth Army in March and April, led the planners to adopt a less optimistic view, particularly due to the news about very deep shell-proof shelters being dug under German front trenches, whch proved far less vulnerable to bombardment. [28]

Explosion of the mine beneath Hawthorn Ridge Redoubt, 7.20am. Photo by Ernest Brooks

Mining: The British inherited a number of mine workings and the chalk soil of the Somme was ideal for tunnelling.[29] Mines were used to destroy the German defences and to provide shelter in no man's land for the advancing infantry. Eight large and eleven small mines were prepared for the first day of the battle; three large mines of 20 long tons (20,000 kg) and seven mines around 5,000 lb (2,300 kg).[30] When the mines were blown, infantry would rush forward to seize the crater. The largest mines, each containing 24 long tons (24,000 kg) of ammonal, were on either side of the Albert-Bapaume road near La Boisselle, Y Sap mine north of the road and Lochnagar mine to the south. The other large mine was beneath Hawthorn Ridge Redoubt near Beaumont Hamel, containing 18 long tons (18,000 kg) of explosive. The mines were to be detonated at 7:28 a.m., two minutes before zero hour, except for the Hawthorn Ridge mine, which was detonated ten minutes before zero at 7:20 a.m. One of the small mines, at Kasino Point, was mistimed and blew after the infantry attack had commenced. The Somme mines were the largest yet detonated in the war.[31]

Supply: From 1 January – 3 July 1916 the BEF was reinforced by 17 divisions and the number of heavy guns increased from 324 to 714. The new divisions needed 51½ supply trains a week to meet daily needs and a large number of extra trains to transport heavy artillery ammunition. Until mid-June ammunition supply for the BEF needed 5–12 trains per week, then rose to 45–90 trains per week, to deliver a stock of 148,000 long tons (150,000,000 kg) of munitions. Ammunition expenditure became a concern by 12 July but deliveries to the area behind the Fourth Army kept pace, although transport from railheads to the guns was not always maintained. In the weeks before 1 July, an extra seven trains a day were sufficient to deliver the extra ammunition.[32] In the rear of the Fourth Army, huge encampments were built for troops, horses, artillery and workshops, dumps were built of equipment, reservoirs and pipelines, power stations, light railways roads and telephone networks were constructed. Over 2000000 of petrol per month was needed for the lorry fleet, moving supplies up to 3 miles (4.8 km) from railheads to the front line and a million Brodie helmets were delivered between January and June. In the French Sixth Army sector, one railway line from Amiens led to Bray on the north bank but on the south bank there were no rail lines so road-trains carried supplies from Amiens to Foucaucourt. In the 37th Division area, 91,420 man-hours were needed to dig 6 kilometres (3.7 mi) of trenches, jumping-off points, command-posts, dug-outs, machine-gun emplacements and ammunition stores and for wiring and maintenance.[33]

Plan of attack

Anglo-French objectives, north bank of the Somme, 1 July 1916

British planning for the offensive began in April, with a Fourth Army proposal for a methodical advance to the high ground around Thiepval and thence to the Bapaume–Péronne road. Haig had exhaustive negotiations with Joffre and rejected the concept in favour of the capture of the ridge north of Péronne, to assist a French crossing of the Somme further south. Diversion of French divisions to Verdun and the assumption by the British of the main role in the Somme offensive, led to revisions of the plan towards an ambitious attempt at strategic attrition, through a breakthrough and a battle of manoeuvre with distant objectives.[34] The French Sixth Army of General Marie Émile Fayolle in Groupe d'armées du Nord of General Ferdinand Foch, was the last of the three armies originally intended as the French contribution. Joffre, placed XX Corps north of the Somme next to the southernmost Fourth Army formation (XIII Corps).[35] The course of British planning was marked by a process of negotiation between Haig and Rawlinson in which Haig became more optimistic at what could be achieved early on, given the examples of Gorlice-Tarnów in 1915 and at Verdun in 1916.[36] Rawlinson favoured a methodical attack from the beginning of the offensive, in which belts of the German defences about 2,000 yards (1,800 m) deep, would be pulverised by artillery and then occupied by infantry.[Note 6] An attempt to reach deeper objectives towards the German second position, risked infantry being counter-attacked, when beyond the cover of field artillery but had the advantage of exploiting a period when German artillery was being withdrawn.[38]

On 16 April Rawlinson announced the objectives to the corps commanders, in which III, X and VIII corps would capture Pozières, Grandcourt and Serre on the first day and XIII and XV corps would have objectives to be agreed later. On 19 April Rawlinson wrote that an attempt to reach the German second line on the first day was doubtful, an extension of the attack in the south on Montauban required another division and the inclusion of Gommecourt to the north was beyond the capability of the Fourth Army. Rawlonsion also wrote that long bombardment was dependent on the French, the availability of ammunition and the endurance of gun-crews and that the exploitation of a successful attack would need a substantial number of fresh divisions.[39] The process of discussion and negotiation between Haig and Rawlinson, also occurred between Rawlinson and the corps commanders and between corps and divisional commanders.[Note 7] For the first time definite daily objectives were set, rather than ordering that the attack be unlimited and discretion was granted in the means to achieve them. When the frontage of attack had been decided, corps headquarters decided the details and arranged the building of the infrastructure of attack, dug-outs, magazines, observation posts, telephone lines, roads, light railways, tramways, liaison with neighbouring corps and the Royal Flying Corps. For the first time the army headquarters co-ordinated the artillery arrangements with an Army Artillery Operation Order, in which tasks and timetable were laid down and corps artillery officers left to decide the means to achieve them.[41]

On 16 June Haig announced his intentions for the campaign, which were to relieve pressure on the French at Verdun, assist Italy and Russia and to inflict losses on the German army, through the capture of Pozières Ridge from Montauban to the Ancre and from the Ancre to Serre as a flank guard, then to exploit the position gained, according to the way the battle developed. If German resistance collapsed, an advance east would be pressed far enough, to pass through the German defences and the attack would turn north, to envelop the German defences as far as Monchy le Preux near Arras, with cavalry on the outer flank to defend against a counter-attack. Should a continuation of the advance beyond the first objective not be possible, the main effort could be transferred elsewhere, while the Fourth Army continued to mount local attacks.[42] On 28 June the Fourth Army headquarters instructed that should the initial attacks cause the German defence to collapse, the closest infantry would exploit without waiting for cavalry and the 19th and 49th divisions in local reserve, would be committed along the Albert–Bapaume road and parallel to it to the north. The cavalry which had assembled 5 miles (8.0 km) west of Albert, was not to advance until roads had been cleared for their advance.[43] Haig had formulated a plan in which a local or a big success could be exploited but Rawlinson had a much more modest intention, of small advances onto high ground and pauses to consolidate, ready for German counter-attacks, which led to an "unhappy compromise".[37]

German defensive preparations

Somme weather
(June–July 1916)
Date Rain
23 June 2.0 79°–55° windy
24 June 1.0 72°–52° overcast
25 June 1.0 71°–54° windy
26 June 6.0 72°–52° cloudy
27 June 8.0 68°–54° cloudy
28 June 2.0 68°–50° overcast
29 June 0.1 66°–52° cloudy
30 June 0.0 72°–48° overcast
high winds
1 July 0.0 79°–52° clear
Data from Gliddon, G.
When the Barrage Lifts (1987)

Many of the German units on the Somme had been there since 1914 and had made great efforts to fortify the defensive line, particularly with barbed-wire entanglements so that the front trench could be held with fewer troops. Railways, roads and waterways connected the battlefront to the Ruhr from where material for minierte Stollen (dug-outs) 20–30 feet (6.1–9.1 m) underground for 25 men each had been excavated every 50 yards (46 m) and the front had been divided into Sperrfeuerstreiten (barrage sectors).[45] After the Herbstschlacht ("Autumn Battle") in 1915, a third defence line another 3,000 yards (2,700 m) back from the Stutzpunktlinie was begun in February and was nearly complete on the Somme front when the battle began. German artillery was organised in a series of sperrfeuerstreifen (barrage sectors); each officer was expected to know the batteries covering his section of the front line and the batteries ready to engage fleeting targets. A telephone system was built, with lines buried 6 feet (1.8 m) deep for 5 miles (8.0 km) behind the front line, to connect the front line to the artillery. The Somme defences had two inherent weaknesses which the rebuilding had not remedied. The front trenches were on a forward slope, lined by white chalk from the subsoil and easily seen by ground observers. The defences were crowded towards the front trench, with a regiment having two battalions near the front-trench system and the reserve battalion divided between the Stutzpunktlinie and the second line, all within 2,000 yards (1,800 m) and most troops within 1,000 yards (910 m) of the front line, accommodated in the new deep dugouts. The concentration of troops at the front line on a forward slope, guaranteed that it would face the bulk of an artillery bombardment, directed by ground observers on clearly marked lines.[46] Digging and wiring of a new third line began in May, civilians were moved away and stocks of ammunition and hand-grenades were increased in the front-line.[47]

By mid-June Below and Rupprecht expected an attack on the Second Army which held the front from Noyon to beyond Gommecourt although Falkenhayn was more concerned about an offensive in Alsace-Lorraine, then a possible attack on the Sixth Army which held the front from near Gommecourt to St. Eloi close to Ypres. In April Falkenhayn had sugggested a spoiling attack by the Sixth Army but lack of troops and artillery, which were engaged in the offensive at Verdun made it impractical. Some labour battalions and captured Russian heavy artillery were sent to the Second Army and Below proposed a preventive attack in May and a reduced operation from Ovillers to St. Pierre Divion in June but got only one extra artillery regiment. On 6 June Below reported that an offensive at Fricourt and Gommecourt was indicated by air reconnaissance and that the south bank had been reinforced by the French, against whom the XVII Corps was overstretched, with twelve regiments to hold 36 kilometres (22 mi) and no reserves. In mid-June Falkenhayn was sceptical of an offensive on the Somme, since a great success would lead to operations in Belgium, when an offensive in Alsace-Lorraine would take the war and its devastation into Germany. More railway activity, fresh digging and camp extensions around Albert opposite the Second Army was seen by German air observers on 9 and 11 June and spies reported an imminent offensive. On 24 June a British prisoner spoke of a five-day bombardment, to begin on 26 June and local units expected an attack within days. On 27 June 14 balloons were visible, one for each British division but no reinforcements were sent to the area until 1 July and only then to the Sixth Army which was given control of the three divisions in reserve behind it. At Verdun on 24 June, Crown Prince Wilhelm was ordered to conserve troops, ammunition and equipment and further restrictions were imposed on 1 July, when two divisions were put under Falkenhayn's control.[48] By 30 June the German air strength on the Second Army front was six Feldflieger-Abteilungen (reconnaissance flights) with 42 aircraft, four Artillerieflieger-Abteilungen (artillery flights) with 17 aeroplanes, Kampfgeschwader 1 (Bomber-Fighter Squadron 1) with 43 aircraft, Kampfstaffel 32 (Bomber-Fighter Flight 32) with 8 aeroplanes and a Kampfeinsitzer-Kommando (single-seat fighter detachment) with 19 aeroplanes, a total of 129 arcraft.[49]


French Sixth Army

XXXV Corps

South of the river the XXXV Corps with the 51st, 61st and 121st divisions and 20 batteries of heavy artillery, attacked with the 61st Division, two hours after the offensive began on the north bank, as right-flank guard for the colonial divisions near the river. A French attack of any great size had been considered impossible by the German command and the German infantry had been stretched over far wider fronts than on the north bank. The French preliminary bombardment caused severe casualties and equipment losses, many machine-guns and mortars being destroyed. When the attack began concealed by mist, the German defenders were surprised and overrun. The French artillery had c. 10 heavy batteries per 1-kilometre (0.62 mi) of front, numerous aircraft observers, whose pilots flew so low over Estrées that German soldiers could see their faces and 18 observation balloons opposite the German 11th Division. The division had only two field artillery regiments and part of one sent as reinforcement, with no heavy guns for counter-battery fire, except for periodic support from a small number of heavy guns covering all of the south bank. The German artillery group around Estrées, Soyécourt and Fay, attempted a systematic bombardment of the French front line on 30 June and the French replied with 2,000 heavy shells on one German field regiment alone, which knocked out three guns. By the time of the attack of 1 July, German artillery on the south bank had been hit by 15,000 French shells and was almost silent by 11:0 a.m.[50] Only eight heavy batteries were available to the Germans on the south bank and at 9:30 a.m. the French barrage lifted off the German front line and three mines were blown under a redoubt at the village of Fay. A measure of surprise was gained, despite losses to German flanking fire from the unattacked area to the south.[51] Grenadier Regiment 10 had been subjected to a "torrent" of fire overnight, which had forced the German infantry to shelter in mine galleries, a gas bombardment was synchronised with the French infantry attack and the mine explosions at 10:00 a.m. killed many of the sheltering troops. By 2:00 p.m. the German defences had been overwhelmed and the garrisons killed or captured; such reinforcements as existed were moved forward, to occupy the second position south of Assevillers.[52]

I Colonial Corps

On the south bank the I Colonial Corps with the 2nd, 3rd, 16th Colonial and the 99th Territorial divisions and 65 heavy batteries also attacked two hours after the main assault.[51] The 2nd and 3rd Colonial divisions advanced between XXXV Corps and the river and overran the first line of the German 121st Division, which held the line south from the Somme, in fifteen minutes and took Dompierre and Bequincourt. On the French left flank Frise held out until the village was re-bombarded and taken by 12:30 p.m. after a second attack. The 2nd and 3rd Colonial divisions began probing 2,500 metres (2,700 yd) of the German second position of III Battalion, Infantry Regiment 60 around Assevillers and Herbécourt, Assevillers falling at 4:00 p.m. Herbécourt was attacked from the north-west at 5:30 p.m. and then recaptured by a German counter-attack The Colonial divisions had taken c. 2,000 prisoners for very few French casualties.[53] The attack on the south bank had advanced 2 kilometres (1.2 mi).[54]

XX Corps

North of the Somme, the French XX Corps, with the 11th, 39th, 72nd and 153rd divisions and 32 batteries of heavy artillery, attacked with the 11th and 39th divisions. The assault began at 7.30 a.m., with the commanders of the 1st Liverpool Pals and the French 153rd Infantry Regiment advancing together.[51] At the forward bastion known as Bois Y, north-west of Curlu, which contained many machine-guns and was protected by Menuisiers Trench 200 metres (220 yd) forward, the attack went "like clockwork". The 79th Regiment had a final objective 1,500 metres (1,600 yd) beyond the start line and found that the French bombardment had destroyed much of the German fortifications and that the creeping barrage kept the Germans under cover. Only at Bois Favière in the 39th Division area, where part of the wood was held by the Germans for several days and at Curlu in the 11th Division area on the north bank, were the Germans able to conduct an organised defence.[55] The 37th Regiment of the 11th Division attacked Curlu and received masses of small-arms fire; the regiment was repulsed from the western fringe of the village, before attacks were suspended for a re-bombardment, by which time the village was outflanked on both sides. Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 6 recorded the first attack at 9:00 a.m. after drumfire which began at 6:00 a.m. followed by two more until drumfire fell again at 4:00 p.m. and the remaining garrison was ordered to retire.[56] Most of the regiment was thrown in piecemeal, from the Somme to Montauban and destroyed, having 1,809 casualties.[56] The French did not exploit their success because the British did not advance to their second objective beyond Montauban. Four counter-attacks from Hardecourt were repulsed, by mid-morning 2,500 prisoners had been taken and an advance of 1.5 kilometres (0.93 mi) had been achieved.[53][54]

British Fourth Army

XIII Corps

Montauban: The southern flank of the British line was held by XIII Corps which attacked Montauban, with the 30th Division and the New Army 18th Division. The 30th Division took its objectives by 1:00 p.m. and the 18th Division completed the advance by 3:00 p.m. The success was "complete" despite 3,011 casualties in the 30th Division and 3,115 looses in the 18th Division. The 18th Division of Major-General Ivor Maxse was one of the best trained divisions in the army, German defences in the south were far less developed than those north of the Albert-Bapaume road and could be observed from territory held by the British and French. The infantry advanced behind a creeping barrage and had the benefit of the French heavy artillery of French XX Corps to the south. Much of the German artillery in the area was put out of action during the preliminary bombardment and the second and third lines were unfinished with no deep dug-outs except in the first trench. On the right of the British attack most of the infantry and machine-guns were destroyed before the British advance and a river mist also hampered the remaining defenders. In the chaos Bernafay and Trônes woods were reported lost before midday and all available men including clerks and cooks were ordered forward to the second position. The 12th Reserve Division was ordered to prepare a counter-attack from Montauban to Mametz overnight but the division had only reached the second position at midnight.[57] The 30th Division had 3,011 casualties, the 18th Division lost 3,115 and Reserve Infantry Regiment 109 lost 2,147 men, Bavarian Reserve Regiment 6 had 1,810 casualties[58]

XV Corps

2nd Battalion, Gordon Highlanders crossing no man's land near Mametz

Mametz: The village was attacked by the 7th Division, which on the right had only 100–200 yards (91–183 m) of no man's land to cross. The infantry advanced behind a creeping field artillery barrage lifting slowly according to a schedule decided before the attack, towards a standing barrage fired by the heavy artillery, which lifted to the next objective also by timetable. The right and central brigades attacked on a 1,800-yard (1,600 m) front from support trenches behind the British front line. Crossing no man's land led to few casualties but far more were inflicted as the battalions advanced uphill 700 yards (640 m) to the village. The east end of the village was captured but several attempts on the north and west ends were repulsed. After a series of bombardments and when British troops further south, began to menace the supply routes of the garrison, resistance collapsed and the village was occupied. The west side of the village was attacked by the 20th Brigade which had to fight forward most of the day before the infantry pushed on to ground facing Mametz Wood and the Willow Stream, outflanking Fricourt to the north though the objectives further beyond Mametz was not reached.[59] Much of the front of the 7th Division was opposite Reserve Infantry Regiment 109 of the 28th Reserve Division, which should have been relieved on the night of 30 June and which received a warning of the attack from a listening station at La Boisselle. Most of the regiment was caught in the deep shelters under the front trench and cut off from teephone communication. Most of the supporting machine-guns and artillery was put out of action early on. Reinforcements were sent to the second position but not ordered to counter-attack due to uncertainty about the situation at Montauban and the need to secure Mametz Wood. The 7th Division had 3,380 casualties[60]

Fricourt: The village of Fricourt lay in a bend in the front-line where it turned eastwards for two miles (3 km) before swinging south again to the Somme River. XV Corps was to attack either side of the village to isolate the defenders to avoid a frontal assault.[61] The 20th Brigade of the 7th Division was to capture the west end of mametz and swing left to create a defensive flank along the Willow Stream, facing Fricourt from the south as the 22nd Brigade waited in the British front line ready to exploit a German retirement from the village. The 21st Division advanced to the north of Fricourt to reacht eh north bank of the Willow Stream beyond Fricourt and Fricourt Wood. To protect infantry from enfilade fire from the village the "Triple Tambour mines", were blown beneath the Tambour salient on the western fringe of the village to raise a "lip" of earth as a shield bscure the view from the village. The 21st made some progress and penetrated to the rear of Fricourt.[62] The 50th Brigade of the 17th (Northern) Division held the front-line opposite the village. The 10th West Yorkshire Regiment, was required to advance close by Fricourt and suffered 733 casualties, the worst battalion losses of the day. A company from the 7th Green Howards made an unplanned attack directly against the village and was annihilated.[63] Reserve Infantry Regiment 111 opposite the 21st Division was severely damaged by the bombardment and many dug-outs were frequently blocked by shell explosions. One company was reduced to 80 men before the British attack and a reinforcement failed to get through the British supporting artillery-fire, takiing post in Round Wood where it was ableto repulse the 64th Brigade attack. The rest of the regimental reserves were used to block the route to Contalmaison.[64] The loss of Mametz and the advance of the 21st Division had made Fricourt untenable and the garrison was withdrawn during the night. The 17th Division occupied the village virtually unopposed early on 2 July and took several prisoners.[65] The 21st Division lost 4,256 casualties and the 50th Brigade of the 17th Division lost 1,155.[66]

III Corps

The villages of Ovillers and La Boisselle flanked the Albert-Bapaume road in the centre of the Fourth Army front. It was here that under the command of Lieutenant-General Gough, the 1st, 2nd (Indian) and 3rd Cavalry divisions and the 12th and 25th divisions, would advance through any gap and turn north to "roll up" the German defence.[67][68] If the German defence collapsed the 19th and 49th divisions in reserve were to advance parallel to the Albert–Bapaume road, also under Gough's command.[69]

The 34th Division attack on La Boisselle

La Boisselle: The 34th Division a New Army division attacked along the Albert–Bapaume road, which was aided by the blowing of the two largest mines either side of La Boisselle. South of the village, infantry from the Grimsby Chums got into the Lochnagar crater where they were pinned down. The Tyneside Scottish Brigade attacked up "Mash Valley" and against La Boisselle, at the "Glory Hole". The Tyneside Irish Brigade was the reserve brigade whose task was to follow through and capture the secondary objectives of Contalmaison and Pozières.[70] At zero hour the brigade started its advance from the "Tara-Usna Line", a reserve position to advance 1 mile (1.6 km) over open ground before they reached the British front-line. Despite machine-gun fire a party of around 50 men advanced up "Sausage Valley", south of La Boisselle almost to the edge of Contalmaison. The survivors were captured making the furthest advance of the day, about 4,000 yards (3,700 m).[71] The positions of Reserve Infantry Regiment 110 were severely damaged in the bombardment but the regiment was forewarned of the infantry attack by a Moritz device, which eavesdropped on British telephone signals. The mine at Y Sap caused no casualites as the Germans evacuated the area in time but the mine at Schwaben Höhe (Lochnagar) temporarily trapped German troops in shelters nearby and the position was lost.[72] The 34th Division suffered the worst casualties of the day, losing 6,380 men.[73]

Ovillers: The 8th Division attacked the Ovillers spur north of the Albert–Bapaume road; the division had to cross 750 yards (690 m) of no man's land and advance towards German trenches which had been sited to exploit spurs along the ridge. The only approach to the German lines was up "Mash Valley", under the guns in La Boisselle to the south, Ovillers to the front and Thiepval spur to the north. All three brigades attacked, the 23rd Brigade up Mash Valley, where about 200 men reached the German second trench and then held about 300 yards (270 m) of the front trench until 9:15 a.m.. The centre brigade reached the second line, before being forced back to the British front line and the left-hand brigade managed to reach the third trench, while German counter-bombardments cut off the leading troops from reinforcements. The co-ordination of British artillery and infantry failed, the field artillery lifting to the final objective and the heavy artillery lifting an hour before the attack, leaving the German defenders unmolested as they repulsed the infantry.[74][75] Ovillers was defended by Infantry Regiment 180 which lost 192 casualties in the bombardment and many of the German fortifications were smashed, except on the right at The Nab. The British advance was met by massed small-arms fire at 100 yards (91 m) which cut down many men, after which a bombing fight began. British penetrations were contained by German troops in communication trenches on the flanks. The two battalions of the regiment in the area lost 280 casualties and the 8th Division losses were 5,121 men.[76]

X Corps

Leipzig Salient and Thiepval: The salient and Thiepval village were attacked by the New Army 32nd Division. The Glasgow Commercials advanced into no man's land at 7:23 a.m. until they were 30–40 yards (27–37 m) from the German front line and rushed the trench, before the garrison could react and captured the Leipzig Redoubt. When the British tried to exploit the success they were met by machine-gun fire from the Wunderwerk and were not able to advance further.[77] The capture of the redoubt was the only permanent success in the northern sector.[78] The 49th Division in reserve went forward during mid-morning in support of the 32nd Division, although the commander Major-General Rycroft, had suggested that it would have more effect by reinforcing the success of the 36th Division. The 146th Brigade attacked Thiepval through the 32nd Division area and then the 49th Division was ordered to send any uncommitted battalions direct to the 36th Division.[79] The area was defended by two battalions of Reserve Infantry Regiment 99, whose machine-gun posts survived the bombardment and which began firing as soon as the British attacked. The 3rd Company of Infantry Regiment 180 was annihilated in hand-to-hand fighting at Leipzig Redoubt but the garrison of Thiepval emerged from the shelters and cellars of the village, before the British arrived and cut down the attackers with small-arms fire, leaving a "wall of dead" in front of the position. The 32nd Division lost 3,949 casuaties and the 49th Division 590 casualties.[80]

Schwaben and Stuff redoubts: The 36th Division attacked between Thiepval and the Ancre River against Schwaben Redoubt, gaining a "spectacular victory".[77] The preliminary artillery bombardment, which included support from French batteries firing smoke-shell, was more successful than on other parts of the front north of the Albert–Bapaume road. The infantry crept into no man's land before the attack, rushed the German front trench and then pressed on. The defeat of the neighbouring divisions, left the 36th Division flanks unsupported and the German defenders further back, were free to rake the division with flanking fire as well as fire from ahead. German artillery began a barrage along no man's land (sperrfeuer) which isolated the forward troops. The advance briefly reached the German second line at Schwaben and Stuff Redoubts but in the absence of reinforcements and supplies, counter-attacks from three directions forced the survivors back to the German front trench during the evening.[81] Opposite the 36th Division, III Battalion, Reserve Infantry Regiment 99 and the I and III battalions of Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 8, were caused severe casualties by the British bombardment which destroyed much of the front position, particularly west of Schwaben Redoubt, which was overrun so quicky that little return fire could be opened. II Battalion, Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 8 was ordered to recapture the redoubt but the order was delayed and all available troops were sent to attack from Goat Redoubt and Grandcourt. In the chaos few of the German troops were able to assemble, the counter-attack began piecemeal and was repulsed several times, until a bombardment and another attack by two fresh battalions at about 10:00 p.m. forced the British out of the redoubt.[82] The 36th Division lost 5,104 casualties.[83]

VIII Corps

The Ancre and Beaumont Hamel, 1 July 1916

The northern flank of the Fourth Army was held by Lieutenant General Aylmer Hunter-Weston's VIII Corps. Three divisions were to attack on the first day, with the 48th Division in reserve, except for two battalions which held a 1.6 miles (2.6 km) stretch between the Third and Fourth Armies and two battalions which were attached to the 4th Division.[84]

Beaumont Hamel: The 29th Division attacked towards Beaumont Hamel. Part of the attack was filmed and showed the detonation of a 40,000-pound (18,000 kg) mine beneath Hawthorn Ridge Redoubt at 7:20 a.m., ten minutes before the infantry attack began, which alerted the Germans.[85] British troops failed to occupy all of the mine crater before German troops arrived and took over the far lip. Many troops of both brigades were shot down in no man's land, which was dominated by Redan Ridge and then caught by German artillery barrages. German white signal rockets were seen and taken for British success flares, which led the divisional commander Major-General de Lisle, to order the 88th Brigade in reserve, to exploit the success. The brigade included the 1st Newfoundland Regiment, which advanced on open ground from reserve trenches 200 yards (180 m) back, to avoid the congestion of dead and wounded in communication trenches. Many of the Newfoundlanders became casualties, while still behind the front line to German small-arms fire; some of the Newfoundlanders got across no man's land near Y Ravine but were held up by uncut wire.[86] Most of the German shelters were smashed and craters on the ground overlapped, most of Beaumont Hamel being demolished. The Germans of Reserve Infantry Regiment 119, who had been sheltering under the village in Stollen survived and with other units at Leiling Schlucht (Y Ravine) and the Leiling and Bismarck dug-outs, engaged the British troops from the wreckage of the trenches. The Newfoundland Battalion suffered 710 casualties, a 91% loss which was second only to the 10th Battalion, West Yorkshire Regiment, which lost 733 casualties at Fricourt, south of the Albert–Bapaume road.[87][88] The 29th Division lost 5,240 casualties.[89]

Serre: The 4th Division attacked between Serre and Beaumont Hamel and captured the Quadrilateral (Heidenkopf) but could not exploit the success, because of the repulse by the Germans of the attacks by the flanking divisions. Cross-fire from Beaumont Hamel and Serre and determined counter-attacks held up the division. No other gains were made and German counter-attacks recovered the position early on 2 July, by which time the division had suffered 4,700 casualties.[90] The 31st Division, a New Army division made up of Pals battalions, was to capture Serre and then turn north to form the northern defensive flank of the Fourth Army. The division attacked uphill from several copses and the two attacking brigades were engaged by the Germans with small-arms fire, using 74,000 bullets to repel the attack. Small groups of the Accrington Pals and the Sheffield City Battalion managed to cross no man's land and reach Serre and a party advanced 1.25 miles (2.01 km) to Pendant Copse before being cut off and killed or captured. Reserve Infantry Regiment 121 was confronted by the British attack, before all the troops had emerged from their dug-outs and more than three infantry sections were blown up in the mine explosion at Hawthorn Redoubt, the rest of the garrison being trapped until the end of the attack. A counter-attack towards the redoubt, by two platoons gradually bombed the British back and after an hour only the Heidenkopf (Quadrilateral) remained uncaptured, which was achieved during the night. Reserve Infantry Regiment 119 lost 292 casualties, Reserve Infantry Regiment 121 lost 560 and Infantry Regiment 169 lost 362 casualties. The 4th Division ended the day back at its start line, having suffered 3,600 casualties.[91]

British Third Army

VII Corps

Gommecourt: Allenby's Third Army was to mount a diversion north of the Fourth Army area, with the VII Corps of Lieutenant-General d'Oyly Snow. At the Gommecourt Salient the German trenches curved around a chateau and its parkland and gap of 1-mile (1.6 km) separated the Gommecourt diversion from the northern edge of the main attack. Preparations for a pincer movement to capture the garrison in a pocket, were made as obvious as possible to attract German attention.[92] The 56th Division had prepared jumping-off trenches in no man's land and when the attack commenced at 7:30 a.m. swift progress was made. The first three German trenches were captured and a party pushed on towards the rendezvous with the 46th Division. A heavy German barrage descended on no man's land, which made it impossible for reinforcements to move forward or for a trench to be dug to form a defensive flank to the south and the survivors were forced to withdraw after dark.[93] The 46th Division attack found that the German wire was uncut and the ground littered with unexploded mortar bombs. A smoke-screen intended to mask the infantry obscured their view and left the Germans with observation over the attack. The ground was particularly wet and muddy, making movement difficult. A few groups reached the German trenches and overran the front line, where German troops were able to emerge from shelters not mopped-up by supporting battalions, which had been pinned down in no man's land by a German counter-barrage. The British bombardment cut much of the wire at Gommecourt and demolished many trenches, particularly in the area of Infantry Regiment 170 opposite the 56th Division. The smoke-screen obstructed the beginning of the attack and the damage caused by the bombardment blocked many dug-out entrances but a counter-attack was swiftly mounted from Kern Redoubt (the Maze) which was not under attack. The counter-attack failed to stop the 56th Division reaching the third line of trenches, before a converging attack by Infantry Regiment 170, Reserve Infantry regiments 15 and 55 began. The British had consolidated and the counter-attack made little progress, until co-ordinated bombing attacks in the afternoon gradually recovered the position. Opposite the 46th Division Reserve Infantry regiments 55 and 91 took post in time and engaged the attackers while they were crossing no man's land, which failed to stop the loss of the front trench until a counter-attack from the third trench "annihilated" the leading British troops. The German regiments had 1,212 casualties The 46th Division had 2,445 losses and the commander, Major-General Montagu-Stuart-Wortley, was dismissed for the failure. The 56th Division had 4,314 casualties.[94]

Air operations

The British moved into the area of the Somme in mid-1915 and relieved the French Tenth Army at the end of February 1916. Photographic reconnaissance began in October 1915 and in March 1916 intensive British preparations commenced. The IV Brigade of the RFC was formed on 1 April 1916, with six squadrons of aeroplanes and a Kite Balloon squadron; the IV Brigade squadrons were the first to be increased from twelve to eighteen aircraft. On 25 April photographs were taken which revealed the German construction of a third position, from Flers to Le Sars, Pys, Irles, Achiet-le-Petit and Ablainzevelle. In mid-May and late June, the German defences opposite the Fourth Army were photographed again.[95] Die Fliegertruppen des Deutschen Kaiserreiches (Imperial German Flying Corps) had six reconnaissance flights (Feldflieger-Abteilungen) with 42 aircraft, four artillery flights (Artillerieflieger-Abteilungen) with 17 aeroplanes, a bomber-fighter squadron (Kampfgeschwader I) with 43 aircraft a bomber-fighter flight (Kampfstaffel 32) with 8 aeroplanes and a single-seater fighter detachment (Kampfeinsitzer-Kommando) with 19 aircraft, a strength of 129 aeroplanes.[49]

The IV Brigade "corps" aircraft were to be protected with line patrols, by pairs of aircraft from the "army" squadrons and offensive sweeps by formations of DH 2s. The concentration of aircraft for the offensive was completed by the arrival on 19 June of the Ninth (headquarters) Wing with three squadrons and one flight, which brought the number of aircraft on the Fourth Army front to 167, plus eighteen at Gommecourt.[Note 8] The bombing offensive by the RFC was intended to cut railway links behind the Somme front, south of the Valenciennes–Arras railway and west of the lines around Douai, Busigny and Tergnier. Trains were to be attacked in cuttings, railway bridges were to be bombed and the stations at Cambrai, Busigny, St. Quentin and Tergnier were to be raided and the German ammunition depots at Mons, Namur and the station at Lille were also to be attacked.[97] British aircraft and kite balloons were to be used to observe the intermittent bombardment, which began in mid-June and the preliminary bombardment, which commenced on 24 June. Low cloud and rain obstructed air observation of the bombardment, which soon fell behind schedule and on 25 June, aircraft of the four British armies on the Western Front attacked the German kite balloons opposite; fifteen were attacked, four were shot down by rockets and one bombed, three of the balloons being in the Fourth Army area. Next day three more balloons were shot down opposite the Fourth Army and during German artillery retaliation to the Anglo-French bombardment, 102 German artillery positions were plotted and a Fokker was shot down near Courcelette.[98]

Accurate observation was not possible at dawn on 1 July due to patches of mist but by 6:30 a.m. the general effect of the Anglo-French bombardment could be seen. Observers in contact aircraft could see lines of British infantry crawling into no man's land, ready to attack the German front trench at 7:30 a.m. Each corps and division had a wireless receiving-station for wireless messages from airborne artillery-observers and observers on the ground were stationed at various points, to receive messages and maps dropped from aircraft.[99] As contact observers reported the progress of the infantry attack, artillery-observers sent many messages to the British artillery and reported the effect of counter-battery fire on German artillery. Balloon observers used their telephones, to report changes in the German counter-barrage and to direct British artillery on fleeting targets, continuing to report during the night, by observing German gun-flashes. Air reconnaissance during the day found little movement on the roads and railways behind the German front and the railways at Bapaume were bombed from 5:00 a.m. Flights to Cambrai, Busigny and Etreux later in the day saw no unusual movement, although German aircraft attacked the observation aircraft all the way to the targets and back, two Rolands being shot down by the escorts. Bombing began the evening before with a raid on the station at St. Saveur by six R.E. 7s of 21 Squadron, whose pilots claimed hits on sheds and a second raid around 6:00 a.m. on 1 July hit the station and railway lines; both attacks were escorted and two Fokkers were shot down on the second raid.[100]

Railway bombing was conducted by 28 aircraft, each with two 112-pound (51 kg) bombs, at intervals after midday and Cambrai station was hit with seven bombs, for the loss of one aircraft. In the early evening an ammunition train was bombed on the line between Aubigny-au-Bac and Cambrai and set on fire, the cargo burning and exploding for several hours. Raids on St Quentin and Busigny were reported to be failures by the crews and three aircraft were lost.[101][Note 9] All corps aircraft carried 20-pound (9.1 kg) bombs, to attack billets, transport, trenches and artillery-batteries. Offensive sweeps were flown by 27 and 60 squadrons from 11:30 a.m. – 7:00 p.m. but found few German aircraft and only an LVG was forced down. Two sets of line patrols were flown, one by 24 Squadron DH.2s from Péronne to Pys and Gommecourt from 6:45 a.m. to nightfall, which met six German aircraft during the day and forced two down. The second set of patrols by pairs of F.E.2bs were made by 22 Squadron between 4:12 a.m. and dusk, from Longueval to Cléry and Douchy to Miraumont. 22 Squadron lost two aircraft and had one damaged but prevented German aircraft attacks on the corps aircraft.[103]

XIII Corps was watched by most of 9 Squadron, which saw the 30th Division troops take the line Dublin Trench–Glatz Redoubt by 8:30 a.m. and the 18th Division take Pommiers Trench and Pommiers Redoubt. At 10:00 a.m. an observer saw a line of flashes on the ground, from mirrors carried by 30th Division soldiers on their packs. The British troops moved along Train Alley towards Montauban. A German artillery battery began to fire from Bernafay Wood and the pilot machine-gunned the crews from 700 feet (210 m) and put the battery out of action. On return towards the British lines, the crew saw Montauban being occupied and 18th Division troops advancing up the ridge to the west of the village, the pilt flew low along the ridge and gave the troops a wave. By 11:15 a.m. mirrors were seen flashing along the north edge of Montauban.[104]

The XV Corps attack either side of Fricourt was observed by parts of 3 and 9 squadrons, which were able to report by evening that the 21st Division and the 34th Division to the north, had advanced deeply into the German defensive positions above Fricourt. The 7th Division had advanced beyond Mametz, forming a defensive flank on the left and linking on the right with XIII Corps. Troops from III Corpe and XV Corps lit red flares, which were quickly reported by observers in contact-patrol aircraft. A balloon observer from 3 Kite Balloon Section was able to get the artillery to re-bombard Danzig Alley, after British troops were forced out by a German counter-attack and second British attack in the afternoon took the trench easily. Most of 3 Squadron watched over the disastrous III Corps attack at La Boisselle and Ovillers and saw the 34th Division troops reach Peake Wood north of Fricourt.[105]

The attacks by X Corps and VIII Corps, from Thiepval to Serre were observed by crews from 4 and 15 squadrons. Ground observers could see much of the battle and communications were not as badly cut as on other parts of the front. Some of the deeper British infantry advances could only be seen from the air, particularly those at Schwaben Redoubt and Pendant Copse. 4 Squadron reported the hurried withdrawal of German artillery, between Courcelette and Grandcourt during the afternoon and spotted the massing of German troops at 4:30 p.m. A special flight was sent to Thiepval and the pilot flew by at 600 feet (180 m) to examine the ground and report that the British attacks had failed. With 15 Squadron observing the disaster occurring to VIII Corps around Beaumont Hamel, the defeat of the British attacks and the repulse of the troops from the few areas where breakthroughs had occurred were reported by the aircraft observers.[106]

The VII Corps attack was observed by 8 Squadron, which had taken reconnaissance photographs during a period of clear weather the day before. The attack of the 46th and 56th divisions, had a standing patrol of one aircraft each from 6:45 a.m. – 3:25 p.m. and then one aircraft for both divisions. No red infantry flares were seen during the day; aircraft flew through the barrage to make visual identifications at low level and by the end of the day German ground fire had made three aircraft unserviceable. One aeroplane flew into a balloon cable near St. Amand, damaging the aircraft although the crew were unhurt. Reports from the observation crews related the fate of the leading troops of the 46th Division, who overran the German first line and were then cut off by German troops, as they emerged from underground shelters. Following waves intended to mop-up the German front line, were seen to be stopped in no man's land by artillery and machine-gun barrages. On the 56th Division front, observers watched the leading British troops capture the fist, second and third lines before being cut off by another German barrage in no man's land. German infantry were seen to mass and then counter-attack, regaining the third line by midday, the second line by afternoon and the first line late in the evening.[107]

German Second Army

By May 1916 eight German divisions held the front from Roye to Arras with three in reserve. The German defence of the south bank of the Somme was the responsibility of XVII Corps with three divisions. On the north bank the XIV Reserve Corps with two divisions held the line from the Somme to the Ancre and the Guard Corps with three divisions held the ground north of the Ancre opposite Serre and Gommecourt.[45] On 20 June British heavy artillery bombarded German communications behind the front line as far back as Bapaume and then intermittently until the evening of 22 June. At dawn on 24 June a shrapnel barrage began on the German front position and villages nearby. At midday more accurate fire began before increasing in intensity around Thiepval as heavy batteries commenced firing; in the evening a light rain turned the German positions into mud. On 25 June heavy artillery-fire predominated, smashing trenches and blocking dug-outs. Variations in the intensity of fire indicated likely areas to be attacked, the greatest weight of fire occurring at Mametz, Fricourt and Ovillers; during the night the German commanders prepared their defences around the villages and ordered the second line to be manned. After an overnight lull the bombardment increased again on 26 June, gas being discharged at 5:00 a.m. towards Beaumont Hamel and Serre, before the bombardment increased in intensity near Thiepval, then suddenly stopped. The German garrison took post and fired red rockets to call for artillery support, which placed a barrage in no man's land. Later in the afternoon huge mortar bombs began to fall, destroying shallower dug-outs and a super-heavy gun bombarded the main German strong-points, as smaller guns pulverised the villages close to the front line,from which civilians were hurriedly removed.[108]

German troops billeted in the villages moved into the open to avoid the shelling and on 27 and 28 June heavy rain added to the devastation as the bombardment varies from steady accurate shelling to shell-storms and periods of quiet. At night British patrols moved into no man's land and prisoners taken by the Germans, said that they were checking on the damage and searching for German survivors. German interrogators gleaned information, which suggested that an offensive would coe either side of the Somme and Ancre rivers at 5:00 a.m. on 29 June. All of the German infantry stood to with reinforcements but the bombardment resumed in the afternoon,rising to drumfire several times. Artillery fire concentrated on small parts of the front, then lines of shells moved forward into the depth of the German defences. Periodic gas discharges and infantry probes continued but German sentries watching through periscopes were often able to warn the garrisons in time to react. The bombardment on 30 June repeated the earlier days, by when much of the German surface defences had been swept away,look-out shelters and observation posts were ruins and many communication trenches had disappeared.[109]

On the night of 30 June – 1 July the bombardment fell on rear defences and communication trenches, then at dawn British aircraft "filled the sky", captive balloons rose into the air at 6:30 a.m. and an unprecedented barrage began all along the German front, until 7:30 a.m. when the bombardment abruptly stopped. The remaining German trench garrisons began to leave their shelters and set up machine-guns in the remains of trenches and shell-holes, which proved difficult to spot and allowed the occupants to change direction, easily to face threats from all directions. Where the British infantry advanced close behind the barrage the German defenders were often overrun and at Montauban, Mametz and Fricourt the Germans were rushed while most were still underground. Further north the Germans had time to emerge and stopped most attacks in no man's land. On the 26th Reserve Division front of 9,000 yards (8,200 m) from Ovillers to Serre, four regiments occupied the first line with two battalions each, one in the supprt line and one in reserve. The Germans emerged to see lines of British infantry in no man's land and opened rapid fire on them, lines and waves falling down, reforming and moving forward. Some German infantry stood on trench parapets to aim better and red rockets were fired to call for artillery barrages on no man's land, which shattered the British infantry formations. The survivors kept going and began a bombing fight close to the German line which was defeated except at the Leipzig Redoubt, which was quickly sealed off by German flanking parties and between Thiepval and the Ancre, where the British advanced towards Grandcourt 3,000 yards (2,700 m) away. Several counter-attacks were mounted, which forced the British back to the German front trench after dark.[110]



Prior and Wilson wrote that the conventional account of the First Day has soldiers burdened by 66 pounds (30 kg) of equipment obeying "doltish" orders to walk shoulder-to-shoulder towards the German lines, to be mown down by German machine-gunners who had time to climb out of shelters and man the parapet. Prior and Wilson ascribe the origin of this narrative to John Buchan in The Battle of the Somme (1917) in which the bravery of soldiers is extolled rather than faulty infantry tactics and trace it through the writing of B. Liddell Hart, the Official Historian J. E. Edmonds, C. R. M. F. Cruttwell, M. Middlebrook, C. Barnett and P. Kennedy. A. Farrar-Hockley questioned the narrative in a volume of 1970 but reverted to the orthodox view soon after.[111][Note 10] Prior and Wilson did not dispute the facts of c. 20,000 dead and c. 40,000 wounded but wrote that the Tactical Notes issued by Rawlinson did not dictate the way that advances were to be made but were "ambiguous", referring to "celerity of movement" "a steady pace" and "a rapid advance of some lighty-equipped men" and did not prescribe a formation to be adopted for the advance.[Note 11] In the north, the leading brigade of the 31st Division advanced into no man's land before zero hour, to rush the German front trench when the barrage lifted. Some units of the 4th Division advanced from the British front line in formations led by snipers and skirmishers and in the 29th Division some battalions "marched" to the German wire and others rushed forward from assembly-trenches, dug in no man's land. In the 36th, 32nd and 8th divisions, some battalions assembled in front of the German wire, ready to rush forward at zero hour and many of the battalions of XV Corps and XIII Corps walked slowly forward behind a creeping barrage. Of 80 battalions in the initial attack 53 crept into no man's land, ten rushed from the British front trench and twelve advanced at a steady pace behind a barrage.[121] Prior and Wilson found that the behaviour of the British infantry had less effect than the behaviour of the German infantry, which in turn was determined by the fire of the British artillery. Where the German defences and garrisons had been destroyed, the British infantry prevailed and where significant numbers of German machine-gunners survived, especially when supported by German artillery, the British attack failed. On the French front the artillery preparation was almost wholly effective in destroying German defences and killing the infantry in their underground shelters. The prevalence and effectiveness of killing-machines determined the result and in such an environment a soldier with a bayonet was obsolete and infantry formations irrelevant.[122]

Harris explored the success of the French and XIII Corps and XV Corps, the extent of British casualties for ground gained and Haig's responsibility for the British casualties. Harris wrote of the inferior German defences on the French front, surprise, superior French artillery and better infantry tactics than those used by the British. The French attacked in the south as did the two most successful British corps and in this area only the first line was expected to be captured. Harris wrote that the German army was often ignored in analyses of the First Day and that the main defensive effort was made in the north, the area of greatest German success. Terrain in the south, Anglo-French air superiority and closer objectives tended to concentrate Allied artillery-fire, which was better-observed and more accurate than on the hillier ground to the north. Barbed wire was cut, the German fortifications "exeptionally" damaged and a crude form of creeping barrage preceded the infantry to their objectives. Harris held Haig responsible for the extension of the objectives in the north to the German second position, which diluted the density of British artillery-fire, although because no study had been made of the details of the preliminary bombardment, caution must accompany a conclusion that bombardment of the closer objectives was unduly dissipated. Harris concluded that the attack front was too broad and that Rawlinson should be held responsible with Haig, for attempting to advance on a 16-mile (26 km) front. Despite not being under diplomatic pressure from the French or political pressure from London to obtain swift success, the British tried to do too much too quickly, unlike the French Sixth Army which made short advances with the support of massive amounts of artillery-fire.[123]

Philpott wrote that after the war the French Official History gave five pages to 1 July, with one paragraph on the British attack and the German Official History Der Weltkrieg covered the day in 62 pages. The British Official History described the First Day in 177 pages, with one page on the French success. In Joffre's memoirs the French victory was ascribed to "the excellent work of the artillery" and German underestimation of French offensive potential remaining from the battle at Verdun, leading them to make their principal defensive effort in the north. The British had failed to mop up captured German positions and had been attacked from behind. This military explanation was insufficient for many British commentators who blamed "anachronistic" "sword wavers" for leading volunteers to an unncessary slaughter. The French success, based on the harsh lessons of 1915 was overlooked as was the French expectation of more quick victories being disappointed, as the battle became a counterpart to the long attritional campaign at Verdun. Philpott also described the Germans being written out of the British narrative of useless sacrifice. The Anglo-French armies had gained an advantage on 1 July, by forcing the German defences for 13 miles (21 km) either side of the Somme to collapse, so that in the early afternoon a broad breach existed north of the river. The "break in" was in an unexpected place, which meant that exploitation would have to be improvised.[124]


Philpott wrote that the "gory scene" behind the British front showed that something had gone wrong.[125] In the evening of 1 July, Haig wrote in his diary,

North of the Ancre, VIII Corps said they began well, but as the day progressed, their troops were forced back into the German front line, except two battalions which occupied Serre Village, and were, it is said, cut off. I am inclined to believe from further reports that few of VIII Corps left their trenches.

VIII Corps had left their trenches and over 14,000 men had become casualties. Edmonds wrote that for the loss of the United Kingdom and Ireland's "finest manhood" there was only a small gain of ground, although an advance of 1-mile (1.6 km) on a 3.5-mile (5.6 km) front and minor advances elsewhere, was the furthest achieved by the British since trench warfare began. Only 1,983 unwounded prisoners had been taken and none of the advances north of the Albert–Bapaume road had been held.[126] Before the battle General Rawlinson had requested 18 ambulance trains but only three trains were provided and these departed part filled, before many the wounded had been brought to Casualty Clearing Stations, which had capacity for only 9,500 cases. Many casualties were left untended in the open and it was not until 4 July that the Fourth Army medical services had treated all the wounded; some casualties reached hospitals in England still wearing field dressings. As night fell survivors began to make their way back to the British trenches and stretcher-bearers went into no man's land. Major General Ingouville-Williams, commander of the 34th Division, participated in the search and some medical orderlies continued during the next day. At Beaumont Hamel two British medical officers arranged a truce and in other places movement in no man's land was fired on. Victoria Crosses were awarded to Robert Quigg and Geoffrey Cather (posthumously) for rescuing wounded. Some casualties survived for up to a week in no man's land, living on rations from dead soldiers' packs before being rescued. At 7:30 p.m. the Fourth Army believed that there had been 16,000 casualties, 40,000 by 3 July and 60,000 by 6 July. The final total of 57,470 casualties with 19,240 killed was not calculated for some time; the French Sixth Army had 1,590 losses and the German 2nd Army lost 10,000–12,000 men.[127][128]

Subsequent operations

Haig visited the Fourth Army headquarters and discussed the continuation of the attack on 2 July, although in the confused situation the original plan was not changed. Pressure was to be maintained on the German defence to inflict losses and reach ground from which to attack the German second position, with particular emphasis on the capture of Fricourt. Gough with the cavalry and infantry standing by to exploit a gap was not called on and at 7:00 p.m. Rawlinson requested that he take over X Corps and VIII Corps to reorganise the front astride the Ancre. The 12th Division was sent to relieve the 8th Division and the 25th Division was moved closer to X Corps. Haig ordered the 23rd and 38th divisions to move towards the Somme front and at 10:00 p.m. the Fourth Army headquarters ordered all corps to continue the attack. Local conditions south of the Albert–Bapaume road led many officers to urge the German defeat in the area to be exploited with fresh divisions but XIII Corps was ordered to consolidate and prepare to attack Mametz Wood with XV Corps, which was to capture Fricourt and advance towards Contalmaison, which was still thought to have been captured. III Corps was ordered to attack La Boisselle and Ovillers again and reach Contalmaison and X Corps and VIII Corps were ordered to capture all of the German first position and reach the intermediate line.[129]

In the afternoon of 1 July the German survivors of the 28th Reserve Division and 12th Division and part of the 10th Bavarian Division at Montauban Ridge, had been driven back to the Braune Stellung (second position) from Ginchy to Longueval and Bazentin le Grand. The 12th Reserve Division arrived in the evening from Bapaume and was sent towards Combles and Ginchy. At 6:45 p.m. a counter-attack was ordered to regain Montauban Ridge between Favières Wood and Montauban. One regiment was to advance past the north end of Combles to Guillemont to re-capture the north end of Montauban, a regiment in the centre was to retake Favières Wood and th left regiment was to advance along the north bank of the Somme between Curlu and Maurepas as existing troops joined in from the second position. Dawn was breaking at 3:00 a.m. on 2 July before the advance reached Bernafay Wood and a British barrage quickly forced back the Germans into Caterpillar Valley. At La Briqueterie the German infantry were quickly repulsed, as was the attack along the river by French infantry south of Favières Wood. The 12th Division had many losses and was withdrawn to Grüne Stellung (an intermediate position) around Maltz Horn Farm in front of the second line.[130]


For Newfoundland, the first day of battle changed the course of the island's history, ending any hope of independence.[131] After the war the Newfoundland government bought 40 acres (16 ha) at the site of the battalion's attack and created the Newfoundland Memorial Park to commemorate the dead, which was opened by Haig on 7 June 1925. Although the rest of Canada celebrates Canada Day on 1 July, it remains Memorial Day in Newfoundland and Labrador.[132]

Victoria Cross


  1. From 30 January 1916, each British army had a Royal Flying Corps brigade attached, which was divided into wings, the "corps wing" with squadrons responsible for close reconnaissance, photography and artillery observation on the front of each army corps and an "army wing", which controlled the fighter suadrons and conducted long-range reconnaissance and bombing, using the aircraft types with the highest performance.[12]
  2. Despite improvisation and inexperience, in 1916 British war industry produced 33,507 machine-guns, 5,192 trench mortars with 6,500,000 rounds, 127,000 long tons (129,000,000 kg) of explosives and 84,000 long tons (85,000,000 kg) of propellants. Mills bomb production rose to 1,400,000 per week and the output of shells rose from 4,336,800 in the first quarter of 1916 to 20,888,400 in the final quarter, for an annual total of more than fifty million. 148,000 long tons (150,000,000 kg) of ammunition were expended on the Somme from 24 June – 23 July and 101,771 long tons (103,404,000 kg) were landed in France.[15] Heavy guns and howitzers burst on firing, due to defective shells made from inferior steel, which had hairline cracks, through which the propellant discharge detonated the shell. 8-inch howitzer fuzes failed so often, that the battlefield was littered with duds and an attempted remedy made the fuzes fall out. Many shells failed to explode, due to deterioration of the explosive filling; defective fuzes in all heavy guns caused premature detonations, while many guns misfired due to poor quality barrels. 60-pounder guns averaged a premature every 500 shrapnel rounds and 4.5-inch howitzer shells exploded in the barrel or 4–5 yards (3.7–4.6 m) beyond the muzzle, the crews becoming known as "suicide clubs". Some propellants were not fully consumed on firing, requiring the barrel to be cleaned after each shot, which slowed the rate of fire. Some copper driving bands on 18-pounder field gun shells were too hard, which reduced the accuracy of the gun; when H.E. ammunition was introduced late in 1915, prematures and bulges occurred, with a burst barrel every thousand shots. There was a shortage of buffer springs, replacements were sometimes worse than worn ones and spare parts for every mechanical device in the army were lacking. Some shells exuded explosive in the summer heat, flare fillings decomposed, phosphorus bombs went off spontaneously, the firing mechanism of the heavy trench mortars failed on 1 July, Stokes mortar ammunition was chronically unreliable until replaced by improved designs, many Mills bombs went off early, rifle grenades were either prematures or duds and a make of rifle cartridge jammed after firing and had to be scrapped.[16]
  3. Field artillery, 808 x 18-pounder guns for wire-cutting with shrapnel and bombarding enemy troops in the open, 202 x 4.5-inch howitzers, Heavy artillery, 32 x 4.7-inch guns for counter-battery fire, 128 x 60-pounder guns for counter-battery fire, 20 x 6-inch guns cutting barbed wire and counter-battery fire, 1 x 9.2-inch railway gun, 1 x 12-inch railway gun, 104 x 6-inch howitzers, 64 x 8-inch howitzers, 60 x 9.2-inch howitzers, 11 x 12-inch railway howitzers. (Farndale, 1986, refers only to 11 x 12-inch howitzers. 12-inch howitzers on siege carriages arrived in August, 12-inch howitzers could only have been on railway mountings.) 6 x 15-inch howitzers Mortars: 288 x 2-inch medium mortars and 28 x heavy trench mortars for cutting barbed wire. The French supplied 60 x 75-mm guns (gas only), 24 x 120-mm guns, 16 x 220-mm howitzers[18]
  4. Griffith criticised J. E. Edmonds the Official Historian, for assuming that line-formations were rigid, not capable of infiltration and inferior to small groups or "blobs", despite them being complimentary forms which were used throughout the war.[23]
  5. In the 56th Division, each man carried 200 rounds of small-arms ammunition, a waterproof sheet, haversack, iron ration and current day's ration, two or three sandbags, two gas helmets and "proportion of wire-cutters, bill-hooks, tools".[26]
  6. Sheffield criticised Rawlinson's pessimism over Haig's idea of a mixed force of infantry, cavalry and artillery, which he called a "bold and imaginative" response to the failures of 1915, justified by precedent and foreshadowing later forms of mobile warfare.[37]
  7. Simpson disagreed with Travers' claim that discussion was unwelcome in the BEF, after a comparison of five of the corps involved in the attack of 1 July, which demonstrated "a consistent pattern of consultation between the Army commanders and their subordinates at corps, and between the latter and their divisional commanders. Objectives would be agreed between Anny and corps, resources allocated and divisions expected to come up with the actual plans of attack".[40]
  8. The Ninth Wing was under the command of RFC headquarters and operated as a mobile reserve, conducting strategic reconnaissance, offensive operations against the Imperial German Flying Corps (Die Fliegertruppen des deutschen Kaiserreiches) and long-range bombing.[96]
  9. German prisoners captured by the French army later in July, reported that they were at the station during the bombing, which hit an ammunition shed near 200 ammunition wagons. Sixty wagons caught fire, exploded and destroyed the troop train and two battalions' worth of equipment piled on the platform, killing or wounding 180 troops. Reserve Infantry Regiment 71 had to be sent back to Etreillers and then Ham to re-equip.[102]
  10. J. Buchan The Battle of the Somme,[112] B. H. Liddell Hart The Real War,[113] J. E. Edmonds, Military Operations: 1916, volume I,[114] C. R. M. F. Cruttwell, A History of the Great War 1914–1918,[115] M. Middlebrook The First Day on the Somme,[116] C. Barnett The Great War,[117] P. Kennedy Britain,[118] A. Farrar-Hockley, The Somme.[119]
  11. That the Tactical Notes are "ambiguous" is open to question, since the three conditions Prior and Wilson describe are exceptions to the "general form of attack", to exploit a temporary disorganisation of the defence, to advance to the final objective and possibly use lightly equipped troops, to rush a vital part of the defensive position at a crucial moment.[120]


  1. Edmonds 1932, pp. 3–4, 10, 13, 29.
  2. Philpott 2009, pp. 100, 102.
  3. Middlebrook 1971, pp. 268–270.
  4. Edmonds 1932, p. 24.
  5. Sheldon 2005, p. 223.
  6. Foley 2007, pp. 248–249.
  7. Philpott 2009, pp. 145–146.
  8. Philpott 2009, pp. 146–147.
  9. Philpott 2009, pp. 147–148.
  10. Griffith 1996, pp. 53–54.
  11. Wynne 1939, pp. 100–101.
  12. Jones 1928, pp. 147–148.
  13. Edmonds 1932, pp. 268–269.
  14. Philpott 2009, p. 269.
  15. Edmonds 1932, p. 124.
  16. Edmonds 1932, pp. 122–124.
  17. Prior and Wilson 2005, pp. 62–63.
  18. 18.0 18.1 Farndale 1986, p. 144.
  19. Doughty 2005, p. 292.
  20. Sheffield 2011, pp. 166–167.
  21. Philpott 2009, pp. 166–167.
  22. Edmonds 1932, pp. 266–267.
  23. Griffith 1996, p. 56.
  24. Griffith 1996, pp. 56–57.
  25. Edmonds and Wynne 1932, pp. 196–211.
  26. Dudley Ward 1921, p. 31.
  27. Philpott 2009, pp. 149–150.
  28. Beach 2004, pp. 160–163.
  29. Edmonds 1932, p. 38.
  30. Edmonds 1932, pp. 286–287.
  31. Edmonds 1932, pp. 329, 331, 348–349, 374–375, 380, 429–430, 439.
  32. Brown 1996, pp. 159–162.
  33. Philpott 2009, pp. 157–160.
  34. Philpott 2009, pp. 118–130.
  35. Edmonds 1932, p. 264.
  36. Edmonds 1932, pp. 260–261.
  37. 37.0 37.1 Sheffield 2011, p. 167.
  38. Edmonds 1932, pp. 255–256.
  39. Edmonds 1932, pp. 255–258.
  40. Simpson 2001, p. 80.
  41. Simpson 2001, p. 52.
  42. Edmonds and Wynne 1932, pp. 84–85.
  43. Edmonds and Wynne 1932, pp. 150–151.
  44. Gliddon 1987, p. 415.
  45. 45.0 45.1 Rogers 2010, pp. 57–58.
  46. Wynne 1939, pp. 100–103.
  47. Philpott 2009, pp. 157–165.
  48. Edmonds 1932, pp. 316–319.
  49. 49.0 49.1 Jones 1928, p. 201.
  50. Sheldon 2005, pp. 170–171.
  51. 51.0 51.1 51.2 Edmonds 1932, pp. 342–343.
  52. Sheldon 2005, pp. 173–174.
  53. 53.0 53.1 Philpott 2009, pp. 183–184.
  54. 54.0 54.1 Doughty 2005, p. 293.
  55. Philpott 2009, pp. 176–178.
  56. 56.0 56.1 Sheldon 2005, p. 168.
  57. Edmonds 1932, pp. 344–345.
  58. Edmonds 1932, pp. 320–345.
  59. Edmonds 1932, pp. 346–353, 365–366.
  60. Edmonds 1932, pp. 368–370.
  61. Edmonds 1932, p. 348.
  62. Edmonds 1932, pp. 353–361.
  63. Edmonds 1932, pp. 361–364.
  64. Edmonds 1932, pp. 369––370.
  65. Miles 1938, pp. 5–6.
  66. Edmonds 1932, p. 368.
  67. Edmonds 1932, p. 267.
  68. Miles 1938, p. 4.
  69. Edmonds 1932, p. 307.
  70. Edmonds 1932, pp. 371–375.
  71. Edmonds 1932, pp. 375–384.
  72. Edmonds 1932, pp. 391–392.
  73. Edmonds 1932, p. 391.
  74. Edmonds 1932, pp. 371–375, 385–389.
  75. Sheffield 2003, pp. 52–54.
  76. Edmonds 1932, pp. 391–393.
  77. 77.0 77.1 Edmonds 1932, pp. 394–399.
  78. Edmonds 1932, pp. 399–403, 408–411.
  79. Edmonds 1932, pp. 394–399, 411–415.
  80. Edmonds 1932, pp. 421–422.
  81. Edmonds 1932, pp. 403–408, 416–420.
  82. Edmonds 1932, pp. 422–423.
  83. Sheffield 2003, pp. 50–51.
  84. Edmonds 1932, p. 426.
  85. Malins 1920, pp. 162–163.
  86. Edmonds 1932, pp. 424–437.
  87. Edmonds 1932, p. 436.
  88. Hilliard Atteridge 1929, p. 110.
  89. Sheffield 2003, pp. 49–50.
  90. Edmonds 1932, pp. 424–429, 437–441.
  91. Edmonds 1932, pp. 424–429, 441–444, 452.
  92. Edmonds 1932, pp. 453–462.
  93. Edmonds 1932, pp. 453–464, 471–474.
  94. Edmonds 1932, pp. 453–462, 465–471, 474.
  95. Jones 1928, pp. 195–197.
  96. Jones 1928, p. 199.
  97. Jones 1928, pp. 198–199.
  98. Jones 1928, pp. 206–209.
  99. Jones 1928, p. 209.
  100. Jones 1928, pp. 209–215.
  101. Jones 1928, pp. 215–216.
  102. Jones 1928, pp. 216–217.
  103. Jones 1928, pp. 215–218.
  104. Jones 1928, pp. 213–214.
  105. Jones 1928, pp. 212–213.
  106. Jones 1928, pp. 211–212.
  107. Jones 1928, pp. 210–211.
  108. Rogers 2010, pp. 58–60.
  109. Rogers 2010, pp. 60–61.
  110. Rogers 2010, pp. 61–64.
  111. Prior and Wilson 2005, pp. 112–114.
  112. Buchan 1917, p. 31.
  113. Liddell Hart 1930, p. 315.
  114. Edmonds 1932, p. 487.
  115. Cruttwell 1934, p. 266.
  116. Middlebrook 1971, p. 276.
  117. Barnett 1979, p. 76.
  118. Millett and Murray 1988, p. 84.
  119. Farrar-Hockley 1970, pp. 113–132.
  120. Edmonds and Wynne 1932, p. 134.
  121. Prior and Wilson 2005, pp. 112–115.
  122. Prior and Wilson 2005, p. 116.
  123. Harris 2008, pp. 234–237.
  124. Philpott 2009, pp. 204–208.
  125. Philpott 2009, p. 202.
  126. Edmonds 1932, pp. 483–484.
  127. Edmonds 1932, p. 483.
  128. Sheffield 2003, p. 68.
  129. Edmonds 1932, pp. 481–483.
  130. Rogers 2010, pp. 78–79.
  131. Brooks & Rumboldt 2007, p. a.
  132. Nicholson 1964, p. xx.
  133. 133.0 133.1 133.2 133.3 133.4 133.5 133.6 133.7 Middlebrook 1971, p. 329.
  134. Edmonds 1932, p. 420.


  • Barnett, C (1979). The Great War. London: Park Lane Press. OCLC 7255166. 
  • Beach, J. (2004). British Intelligence and the German Army 1914–1918 (PhD ed.). 2004: London University. OCLC 500051492. Retrieved 13 July 2013. 
  • Buchan, J (1917). The Battle of the Somme. New York: George Doran. OCLC 421774. 
  • Cruttwell, C. R. M. F. (1934). A History of the Great War 1914–1918. Oxford: Clarendon Press. OCLC 431258245. 
  • Doughty, R. A. (2005). Pyrrhic Victory: French Strategy and Operations in the Great War. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. ISBN 0-67401-880-X. 
  • Dudley Ward, C. H. (1921). The Fifty Sixth Division 1914–1918 (1st London Territorial Division) (Naval and Military Press 2001 ed.). London: Murray. ISBN 1-84342-111-9. 
  • Edmonds, J. (1932). Military Operations France and Belgium, 1916, Vol I (Sir Douglas Haig's Command to the 1st July : Battle of the Somme) (Battery Press 1993 ed.). London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-89839-185-7. 
  • Edmonds, J. E., & Wynne, G. C. (1932). Military Operations France and Belgium 1916 Vol I Appendices (Naval & Military Press 2010 ed.). London: Macmillan. ISBN 1-84574-730-5. 
  • Farndale, M. (1986). History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Western Front 1914–18. London: Royal Artillery Institution. ISBN 1-870114-00-0. 
  • Farrar-Hockley, A (1970). The Somme. London: Batsford. ISBN 0-72780-129-5. 
  • Foley, R. T. (2007). German Strategy and the Path to Verdun : Erich von Falkenhayn and the Development of Attrition, 1870–1916. Cambridge: CUP. ISBN 978-0-521-04436-3. 
  • Gliddon, G (1987). When the Barrage Lifts: A Topographical History and Commentary on the Battle of the Somme 1916. Norwich: Gliddon Books. ISBN 0-947893-02-4. 
  • Griffith, P (1996). Battle Tactics of the Western Front: The British Army's Art of Attack 1916–1918. London: Yale. ISBN 0-30006-663-5. 
  • Harris, J. P. (2008). Douglas Haig and the First World War (2009 ed.). Cambridge: CUP. ISBN 978-0-521-89802-7. 
  • Hilliard Atteridge, A. (1929). History of the 17th (Northern) Division (N & M Press 2003 ed.). London: R. Maclehose & Co. ISBN 1-843-42581-5. 
  • Jones, H. A. (1928). The War in the Air, Being the Story of the Part Played in the Great War by the Royal Air Force: Vol II (N & M Press 2002 ed.). London: Clarendon Press. ISBN 1-84342-413-4. 
  • Liddell Hart, B. H. (1930). The Real War. London: Faber. OCLC 219779831. 
  • Malins, G. H. (1920). How I filmed the War : a Record of the Extraordinary Experiences of the Man Who Filmed the Great Somme Battles, etc. London: Herbert Jenkins. OCLC 246683398. Retrieved 5 October 2013. 
  • Millett, A; Murray, W (1988). Military Effectiveness: The First World War Vol I. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 0-04445-053-2. 
  • Hilliard Atteridge, A. (1929). History of the 17th (Northern) Division (N & M Press 2003 ed.). London: R. Maclehose & Co. ISBN 1-843-42581-5. 
  • Middlebrook, M. (1971). The First Day on the Somme. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-139071-9. 
  • Miles, W. (1938). Military Operations France and Belgium, 1916, 2nd July 1916 to the End of the Battles of the Somme (IWM & Battery Press 1992 ed.). London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-901627-76-3. 
  • Nicholson, G. W. L. (1964). The Fighting Newfoundlander: A History of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment (Carleton Library 2006 ed.). Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-3133-5. 
  • Philpott, W. (2009). Bloody Victory: The Sacrifice on the Somme and the Making of the Twentieth Century (1st ed.). London: Little, Brown. ISBN 978-1-4087-0108-9. 
  • Prior, R.; Wilson, T. (2005). The Somme. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-10694-7. 
  • Robertshaw, A (2006). Somme 1 July 1916: Tragedy and Triumph. London: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1-84603-038-2. 
  • Rogers (ed.), D. (2010). Landrecies to Cambrai : Case Studies of German Offensive and Defensive Operations on the Western Front 1914–17. Solihull: Helion. ISBN 978-1-906033-76-7. 
  • Sheffield, G (2003). The Somme. London: Cassell. ISBN 0-304-36649-8. 
  • Sheffield, G. (2011). The Chief: Douglas Haig and the British Army. London: Aurum Press. ISBN 978-1-84513-691-8. 
  • Sheldon, J. (2005). The German Army on the Somme 1914–1916 (Pen & Sword Military 2006 ed.). London: Leo Cooper. ISBN 1-84415-269-3. 
  • Simpson, A. (2001). The Operational Role of British Corps Command on the Western Front 1914–18 (Spellmount 2005 ed.). London: London University. ISBN 1-86227-292-1. 
  • Wynne, G. C. (1939). If Germany Attacks: The Battle in Depth in the West (Greenwood Press 1976 ed.). Connecticut: Faber. ISBN 0-8371-5029-9. 

External links

This page uses Creative Commons Licensed content from Wikipedia (view authors).